turbable good nature, fluent in speech and graceful in gesture, he was a born orator. Polish and suavity seemed to be inhaled from the air he breathed. He was, in fact, too polite for impressing strangers altogether with ideas of his sincerity, for, whilst he was always plausible, he frequently left just the least particle of a notion that he was somewhat superficial. With Henry Clay as his political ideal he was early imbued with Clay's sentiments on the subject of emancipation and colonization, and these remained with him, but he seemed always apprehensive that those around him would not distinguish between this attitude and that of abolitionism. He was not as bold a man as Blair, whom he greatly admired, but his surroundings were different; as what might do for Blair in the freer atmosphere of St. Louis would have been hazardous to the ambition of one living in the country, where any phase of anti-slavery feeling was associated in some degree with negro equality and the underground railroad. Thus Rollins felt himself handicapped, as it were, and often forced to do skillful piloting. Moreover, he was wrapped up in the welfare of Boone County and the promotion of the interests of the State University at Columbia, to which he devoted all his energies.

"Stewart was a native of Cortland County, N. Y., and was a stanch Northern Democrat, without any qualms on the sentimental side of the slavery question. He thought the Southern people had a right to take their slaves into Kansas (whilst it was a Territory at any rate), upheld the Crittenden compromise measures, supported the Cincinnati (Buchanan) platform, and ridiculed nullification, secession, disunion and all radical Southern fire-eating propositions, or suggestions of that sort. He dwelt largely on the material interests of the State, and particularly railway development. This was looked for, as he had been an attorney of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad, and had had occasion to study the question more thoroughly than any politician in the State.

"There can be no question as to Stewart's having been a brainy man. When his intellect was not clouded by artificial excitement, he was a close reasoner and a good debater. Except in his cause, he was, however, no match on the hustings for an adroit, captivating speaker like Rollins. Altogether, the people being pretty nearly tired out by the haranguing of the previous year, the campaign was a rather dull one. It was supposed Stewart would be elected by a tremendous majority. There was an unusual delay in bringing in the returns, which from day to day see-sawed between Stewart and Rollins, as they appeared in the newspapers; but at last, with many heated charges on both sides of 'manipulating' or 'cooking' the result in the back counties, the secretary of state summed up an official majority of less than 300 votes for Stewart."

The Longest Missouri Campaign.

Missouri's longest political campaign was in 1860. It began formally on the 8th of January, "Jackson Day," the anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans, when Claiborne F. Jackson made a speech in Washington Hall, St. Louis, announcing his candidacy for governor. Up to that time Jackson had not been very successful in his political ambitions. He had served in the legislature. He had been beaten for Congress in the Howard district when he ran against Thomas P. Akers, to fill the unexpired term of J. G. Collier, but he had been a delegate at several state conventions. He was chairman of the Democratic state committee when he announced himself as a candidate for governor. Few public men in Missouri had more influential family connections than Claib Jackson.

The campaign of 1860 was Jackson's opportunity. As has occurred often in Missouri politics, previous disappointments seemed to pave the way to success in this case. The National Democratic Convention was to be held in Charleston on the 23d of April. The state committee of Missouri decided that it would be economical and good politics to nominate the state ticket and the delegates to the national convention at the same time. The state convention was accordingly called to meet in Jefferson City on the 9th of April. The double purpose brought

together a very strong representation of the leading Democrats. Among them were Sterling Price, Judge Ryland, Gen. Abram Hunter, R. E. Acock, James M. Hughes, J. C. Carter, Hancock Jackson, John Dougherty, James Young, John H. Miller, Warwick Hough, William A. Grayson, John B. Henderson, Nat C. Claiborne, J. N. Burnes, James Craig and William Douglas.

The secretaries of the convention included James H. R. Cundiff of the St. Joseph Gazette and James L. Fawcett of the St. Louis Herald. Only three ballots were required for governor. Claiborne F. Jackson was nominated. The delegates voted as their counties had cast Democratic ballots for Buchanan in 1856. The first ballot resulted about as follows: Jackson, 17,000; Waldo P. Johnson, 13,000; Kennett, 7,000; Atchison, 2,500; Isaac H. Sturgeon, 5,000. Sturgeon represented the Federal office holders. He was the candidate of a group of young politicians who one year later took the lead in the secession movement of Missouri. One of the group was Thomas L. Snead, afterwards Claib Jackson's secretary and the author of "The Fight for Missouri." Another was Colton Green, a member of the wholesale grocery firm of Hoyt and Green. A third was Basil Duke and the fourth was Eugene Longuemare. Snead was editor of the St. Louis Bulletin, which was controlled by the Longuemare family. With Claiborne F. Jackson were nominated: For lieutenant governor, Thomas Caute Reynolds of St. Louis; and for secretary of state, B. F. Massey. Jackson entered almost immediately upon his campaign for governor, going first into the Ozarks.

After the split of the Democrats at Charleston the issue of supreme interest in Missouri was the course to be taken by Jackson and the other state nominees. Douglas Democrats demanded that Jackson come out for their candidate. The St. Louis Republican was especially insistent upon this. The Federal officeholders and those Democrats who sympathized most strongly with the South urged that the state ticket support Breckinridge.

William Hyde's Graphic Narrative.

William Hyde, afterwards for many years editor of the Republican, was in 1860 the trusted staff correspondent of that paper. He was given an extraordinary commission by Nathaniel Paschall, editor of the Republican. He was sent out to meet Jackson and to bring about a decision of the state nominees to support Douglas. In 1892, from the suggestion and encouragement of Joseph B. McCullagh, editor of the Globe-Democrat, William Hyde wrote this narrative of what he saw and heard and of the part he took in the campaign:

"Claib Jackson finally emerged from the hickory-nut country, but was loth to come out of his own shell. A man named Sample Orr, of whom nobody had ever heard before, had, immediately after the Baltimore split, saddled a horse somewhere down in the Southwest, put some light clothes into a pair of saddle-bags, announced himself a Constitutional-Union candidate for governor, and started out on the flank of the Democratic candidate. Of course, everybody laughed at his temerity, and when they saw him they laughed all the more. Nobody knew of any backers he had-of any antecedents, any record. He was nobody's nominee; just plain Sample Orr, farmer. Very plain he was. He was a freckled strawberry blonde, and there never was anything redder than his hair. A man medium in height, slight build, weight about 145; keen blue eyes, white eye-lashes, nervous, short step, sloping shoulders, long neck—another Ichabod Crane. Where he concealed his voice was a wonder, for he could be heard a good distance, and his speech was charming. Mischief

lurked in those keen, blue eyes, and when with the muscles of the left one he pinched the white lashes almost together, the trick was very taking with a crowd. He wanted to get Jackson into a joint debate, but Claib treated the proposition as ridiculous. Still the little man kept on his track, detaining the crowd when the Major had closed, and, it must be said, dividing the honors with the tall and dignified Democratic nominee.

"It was about the 1st of July when the candidate for lieutenant governor started out. He was to overtake Jackson in Moniteau or in Cooper County, and in response to Paschall's repeated demands that the regular state nominees should support the regular national nominees, a promise had been made by Reynolds, who was spokesman for the Major as well as himself, that as soon as they had an opportunity to consult together there would be no further hesitating. Reynolds had expressed a willingness, indeed a desire, to have a correspondent accompany him, and to the undersigned that task was allotted. 'Watch those gentlemen,' said Mr. Paschall; 'do not let them get away from us. If they don't come out publicly for Douglas within three days after they meet-say at Boonville-telegraph immediately, and come home.' To Mr. Reynolds he said, in substance: 'Jackson's course has been unendurable. He should instantly, upon hearing of Douglas' nomination, have proclaimed his adhesion to the usages of his party and announced his purpose to do everything in his power to carry the Douglas ticket. He hates Douglas, I know. His personal likings in this matter, whether they relate to Douglas or to Douglas' friends, is a thing of indifference. He must support the regular nominee, or, if he does not, the example of his failure shall not be lost in the case of his own appeals for support on the ground of the regularity of his nomination.' The plain meaning of this was that the regular Democracy was not to be without a state ticket.

"The meeting between Jackson and Reynolds was expected to be at California, in Moniteau, where they were both billed to speak. Reynolds was on hand and so was Sample Orr, but Jackson sent word that he would lay up at a point a few miles north of Tipton, and wait for Reynolds, thence proceeding to Boonville. The writer, anxious for an interview with the head of the ticket, did not wait for the finish of the California meeting, but, procuring a conveyance and driver, pressed on. He was met with cordiality by Jackson, and invited to share his room for the night. Jackson had many questions to ask about the condition of political sentiment in St. Louis, the attitude of different persons in the all-absorbing differences in the Democratic party, etc., but could not be pumped as to the stand he would take. He was just out of the woods and hills, he said, hadn't seen a newspaper, except some old copies of the Weekly Republican, and would have to read up before he could form an opinion of his own. 'And now,' he said, 'as I'm tired, I'll take this bed and you that.'

"It was in the dead waste and middle of the night' when a rap at our door, which was on the ground floor of a two-story commodious country residence, aroused the Major. The moon and stars were shining, and it was a lovely summer night. A 'solitary horseman' had arrived, having traveled from the railroad at Tipton, and he was bearer of an important message from a number of the Major's friends at St. Louis. The messenger was James Loughborough. What he brought, as it afterward transpired, was a document signed by Isaac H. Sturgeon, Thomas L. Snead, Daniel H. Donovan, Colton Green and others. This document was a peremptory demand upon Jackson to forthwith announce his support of the Democratic ticket bearing the names of Breckinridge and Lane. In the event of refusal or omission to do this the party in the State favoring Breckinridge would, they said, immediately proceed to put another Democratic state ticket in the field, as they were about to do in the case of electors.

"The conference between Jackson and Loughborough in the moonlight outside the house was long, and evidently exciting, to judge by the expletives now and then used by the former. There was no doubt about it, Jackson was very angry, and it was impossible to tell at which party he was the more indignant-the Douglas or the Breckinridge men. A plague on both their houses was the burden of his emphatic anathemas; and when he came in, toward morning, he paced the floor uneasily, muttering strange oaths.

"On the next day Reynolds joined the Major, and together they traveled to Boonville, the chronicler taking a separate vehicle. It was not difficult to perceive the perturbed condition of Jackson's mind, but it was evident that Reynolds had determined what was the