be well understood by, people of his own rare character and turn of mind.

Among writers whose love of English history enables them to render even its details interesting as well as instructive, Dean Stanley of Westminster (1815-1881) holds a foremost place. His work, "Memorials of Westminster Abbey," perhaps more than any other of his books, proves his knowledge of England's history and of its most distinguished men. He is essentially a lover of truth from important facts to comparatively trifling details, and his description of the Abbey, with its historical references of surprising exactness, indicates that he might have made a most valuable historian.

Of late years British literature in weekly or monthly magazines, besides an increasing amount of newspapers and periodicals, engages public attention more than separate works upon any subject. Articles in newspapers and magazines are usually unsigned, the authors thus remaining unknown contributors to public information. This style of literature, accessible, pleasant, and instructive, has become so popular among many who seldom read anything else that it greatly excludes from public notice many works which deserve, and would otherwise obtain it. In recent history it is evident, however, from revealed plots and

ture.

"A feature of the present age is the growth of periodical literaThe Book has become too laborious, too tedious a thing for this over-worked age. We have come to require stimulants in our reading. Everybody reads something, and few read much.""Shaw's History of English Literature," Ch. XXIV.

conspiracies that literature, by passionate or stirring appeals to political discontent has irritated, hardened, and inflamed many ignorant minds by its exciting power, rather than improved them by its enlightening influence. As before observed, Buckle's translated remarks on Russia greatly aroused or encouraged Nihilism in that country. In Ireland likewise, the one-sided histories of its wars and rebellions, popular poetry, and "party" songs have all tended to confirm religious and political enmities.

In most Irish historical sketches, and even ballads, there is some truth. If utterly false, they would be more easily refuted and do less harm. It is when some historic truth is recklessly exaggerated by dishonest or enthusiastic men, whether in speeches, poems, histories, or sermons, that it is so dangerous among a divided community.

The moral contrast between British and Irish history is, perhaps, partly explained by the different motives and principles of their political literature. During the last British civil wars of 1715 and 1745 there was no fear or threat of assassination expressed in speeches, ballads, or newspaper articles. There were no murder conspiracies. All punishment of political offences was inflicted by the existing Government. No murderous outrages were committed by opposing partisans upon each other. In Ireland even now political and religious divisions, though prevented by unpopular laws from declaring open war, cannot be said to live in voluntary peace together.

The feelings which usually animate opposing Irish

men are those of suppressed civil war. They are not, as in Great Britain, the calm disagreement of free men in matters of opinion. In Irish political literature there often seems a confused idea that those opposing the writer know better all the time, and are thus morally and politically wrong. Their motives or characters are often represented as odious and false as their actions or opinions. All well-meaning as well as right-judging persons are often supposed to be on one side and their opponents to be destitute of redeeming qualities or any justification. "Party" spirit of this unreasoning nature between Christian, religious, or political divisions has long ceased, if it ever existed, throughout Britain.

In most countries when civil war is over, animosities between supposed descendants of former foes disappear through time, while in Ireland they are transmitted for generations even during apparent tranquillity. Its divided inhabitants too often regard each other like foes enjoying a brief truce during a warfare which has never really ended and will probably be renewed.

CHAPTER XVI

RECENT WRITERS (continued)

ITHIN the last thirty years Ireland has

engaged British literary attention more than any other part of the Empire. In former times during open rebellion, foreign invasions, or apprehended revolts, its condition was chiefly discussed in brilliant political speeches throughout England and Ireland. It was also the constant subject of poetic allusion, earnest theological argument, and eloquent entreaties for sympathy, or interference of foreign nations. But latterly the English daily and weekly press, monthly magazines, and periodicals of every kind, have constantly supplied articles on Ireland.

The English press has, indeed, been nearly as much interested in it as the Irish for the last few years. Probably never before was the precious time of Parliamentary legislation so engrossed by Irish affairs or so devoted to their political study. Among the chief English writers on Ireland Mr. Froude is conspicuous. Though his previous works on Henry VIII.'s reign and "Short Studies on Great Subjects"