though a Christian, still praised their ancestors, probably kept them silent, otherwise their preserved Judaism would surely have elicited the traditional denial which Disraeli challenges. This remarkable chapter, addressed alike to Christians and Jews of education, attracted surprisingly little public attention and evoked no reply.

British Conservatives, whom Disraeli headed, and among whom he lived, were probably too much engrossed by practical politics to follow their chief into discussions which could only be properly maintained with unconverted Jews. His Liberal opponents also were evidently too much engaged in political contests with him to much notice his theological views. Except in occasional chapters, Disraeli showed comparatively slight interest in any subject but British political affairs. In them lay his chosen sphere of action. He was admired, respected, or distrusted and ridiculed, throughout Britain, in London especially, where his appearance, nearly as remarkable as his character, genius, and position, was the favourite subject of friendly and hostile caricatures.

But his extraordinary talents and success amazed all parties. Opponents and partisans were alike astonished to see a man of Jewish origin, without influential relatives, or any royal favour, yet gradually acquire complete supremacy over most of the British aristocracy, who, unlike the fallen French or Spanish nobility, were still considered by national consent and legislative function among the "pillars of the State.” I Shakespeare's "Henry VI."

I

CHAPTER XIV

GREEN AND BUCKLE

R. GREEN'S "History of the English People,"

MR written after Macaulay's great work, takes

comparatively slight notice of monarchs and statesmen while carefully describing the general progress of the nation. His work includes sketches of Scottish and Irish history, and his style is easy, free, and pleasant. His opinions are more like those of Macaulay than of Hume, but, unlike them, he seems rather indifferent about particular personages, even when agreeing with his own views. He apparently has no historical favourites; no special likes and dislikes. While sympathising with Queen Elizabeth against her many foes, yet his contempt for her vanity overcomes much respect for her talents and energy. His admiration for Shakespeare, whose love of monarchy he fully owns, and his praises of Bacon, Raleigh, and other great men, do not long detain him from his careful, intelligent, but unadorned historical narrative. Though a decided Liberal, he neither shows enmity to opponents nor much reliance on particular partisans. Mr. Green has neither the power nor, perhaps, the

inclination to rival Macaulay in style, or in those brilliant classical allusions which make the latter so instructive as well as interesting. As Green seldom mentions classic writers, it would be difficult to say, from his history, if he was much acquainted with them. He shows little knowledge of, or at least little interest in, the ancient or cotemporaneous histories of foreign nations. He plainly and intelligently addresses the British public in a useful, clearly-told, practical history of the nation.

Ι

Though his Protestant preferences may occasionally displease Catholic readers, he never, like Hume or Gibbon, sneers at any form of religion. He associates Roman Catholicism in England a good deal with the foreign intrigues or influences of France and Spain. I He does not, perhaps, enough notice or consider the old English Catholic families whose religion necessitated intercourse with learned co-religionists in lands often hostile to their own, yet whose loyalty was proved by their retaining their estates, while denied many political privileges.

Green's work obtained great popular favour in England, and went through many editions. Its moderate, careful, business-like style well suited a large majority of British readers, but classical scholars, or men of fastidious, literary taste, will never find in him the beauty of language, and learned comprehensiveness, which make Macaulay's work at once delightful and instructive. While Green addressed British readers almost exclusively, his cotemporary, 1 See his "Reign of Elizabeth," Vol. 2nd.

is an

Mr. Buckle, selected a far wider field for his literary labours. His "History of Civilisation" has seldom, if ever, been surpassed in a work of the kind for vast research, almost incredible reading, and immense acquaintance with nearly all existing literature. He "advanced Liberal" in every sense. His admiration for the blessings, advantages, and triumphs of civilisation is so ardent, that though a sincere friend to mankind, his enthusiasm for what he believes the good of the majority makes him rather reckless about individual rights, or even personal honour. For instance, when describing the sale of Charles I. by Scottish to English republicans, he deliberately justifies an act which even Macaulay censures, despite his political sympathies.1

Buckle considers it like the capture of some notorious criminal, whose villainy had injured thousands of honest, truthful men. He sees nothing in Charles I. but an odious obstacle to human progress and happiness, and, therefore, the sooner he is out of the way the better. Buckle's eager animosity against all despotic systems, which his enthusiasm always identi

"The Scotch, instead of pardoning him, turned him to profit. And as in an old and recognised maxim, that he who cannot pay with his purse shall pay with his body, the Scotch saw no reason why they should not derive some advantage. They, therefore, gave him up to the English, and in return received a large sum of money. By this arrangement both of the contracting parties benefited. The Scotch, being very poor, obtained what they most lacked. The English, a wealthy people, had indeed to pay the money, but they were recompensed by getting hold of their oppressor, against whom they thirsted for revenge."-Vol. 3rd.

fies with tyranny, appears most strongly in his remarkable allusion to Russia. While devoting no special chapter to that country, and making comparatively little mention of it, yet the little he says had evidently more effect in exciting or increasing revolutionary desires than the rest of his book had in any other country.

It

His long chapters on Spain and Scotland roused far less interest or political attention; but his few earnest, emphatic words about Russia produced such an effect that his book, translated into Russian, was often found in the possession of arrested Nihilist revolutionists. Their dangerous conspiracy culminated in the deliberate murder of the late Emperor Alexander. has since been sternly suppressed by many executions and the life-long imprisonment of many persons of education, both men and women. It has hitherto never assumed the form of open rebellion. As yet it is revealed in murders and murderous attempts alone, and among its leaders are found people whose conduct and character seem strangely at variance with their political fanaticism or desperation. To such persons Buckle's words were apparently like fuel to fire. They are not long, grave, political discussions.

I

"Russia is a warlike country, not because the inhabitants are immoral, but because they are unintellectual. The fault is in the head, not the heart. In Russia, the national intellect being little cultivated, the intellectual classes lack influence; the military class, therefore, is supreme. In this early stage of society there is as yet no middle rank, and consequently the thoughtful and pacific habits which spring from the middle ranks have no existence. The minds