During the Middle Ages, Rome and Constantinople, inheriting in different degrees the glory and intellect of a fallen Pagan empire, became the seats of the two chief religions in the world. The Papacy established at Rome directed for centuries not only Christian thought, but in great measure regulated its political policy. Though the Arabian city of Mecca was specially sacred in Mohammedan belief as the birthplace of the Prophet, yet Mohammed II., the captor of Constantinople, claimed, to some extent, the religious veneration as well as the political obedience of the Mohammedan majority in Europe, Asia, and Africa.

Christianity and Mohammedanism, comprising between them all Europe, northern Africa, and western Asia, seemed at one time almost rivals in

political power. But this competition gradually ceased. The latter declined steadily in political influence without any revival, while Christian nations increased rapidly in both martial and intellectual supremacy. The triumphant Christians, having completely supplanted Paganism and no longer dreading Mohammedanism as a political foe, began in a calmer spirit to study, translate, and appreciate the noble literature bequeathed by classic writers.

Apparently while recollection or dread of Pagan tyranny still remained such study was either neglected or distasteful, but when all danger of persecution disappeared, the splendid literature and even the singular religion of Greece and Rome were studied

by Christian readers with eager admiration and scholastic interest.

The divisions among Christians through the rise of Protestantism in western Europe favoured rather than hindered the study of classic authors. Opposing Christians, viewing each other with more hostility than ever, for the previous separation of the Greek Church from Rome caused far less strife, were probably the more favourable to Pagan genius, which aroused neither prejudice nor apprehension. All fear of its religious revival vanished with its political power. Accordingly, classic poetry and philosophy, as well as history, became the established study of accomplished Christian youths throughout Europe.

All the vast Roman Empire, together with many lands never under its mighty sway, became either Christian or Mohammedan. Judaism and Parseeism, the two most ancient of all religions, were established in no country. Their subjected votaries could hardly obtain toleration under Christian or Mohammedan rule, the ancient faith of Buddhism remained throughout the middle and east of Asia, unexamined and stationary for ages, while ardent Christians and Mohammedans were making converts in all civilised parts of the known world. Yet while Christianity was at the height of political power and prosperity, having replaced Paganism, defeated or checked Mohammedanism, and politically triumphed over all opposing religions, the rise of Protestantism arrayed

' Dean Stanley's "Eastern Church."

Christians fiercely against each other throughout the most civilised countries of Europe.

About the time of this great event in Christian history, the discovery and conquest of America were solely effected by European Christians. Neither Asia nor Africa took part in these achievements, which were alike entirely due to European genius, learning, and enterprise. While, however, the new world presented a splendid scene of action and discovery to the energetic nations of Europe, it afforded little information to the antiquarian, historian, or theologian.

The subsequent discoveries and explorations in Australasia, South Africa, and other lands unknown to the Romans likewise added little to historical information. Naturalists, botanists, and travellers were indeed richly rewarded and gratified by the productions of these hitherto unknown countries. New birds, animals, plants, trees, vegetables and flowers, alike unknown to Aristotle, Pliny, and Columella, were brought to Europe in abundance from these newly-discovered regions. Yet for historical knowledge, and sacred tradition, the old civilised world, once almost comprised in the vast Roman Empire, remains unapproached either in historic interest or religious veneration.

CHAPTER II

EARLY BRITISH WRITINGS

TH

'HE dawn of literature among the first Christian nations decidedly favoured the glories of war rather than the blessings of peace. Historical students, moreover, must perceive that bigoted cruelty to enemies so prevalent during the Crusades, remained for many centuries firmly legalised throughout Great Britain and Christian Europe generally.

While Christian clergy preached a merciful faith, neither Christian kings, statesmen, nor even theologians, with few exceptions, acknowledged the duty of its practical adoption. The cruel enactments in Christian legislation, quite as much as the violence of kings, the vindictiveness of statesmen, or the ferocity of warriors, amply prove that merciful principles were denied in legal theory as well as in political acts.1 Hence, historical personages are usually blamed by a comparatively humane posterity for deeds of cruelty, as if they alone were responsible for them. But it

I Hallam's "Constitutional History of England;" also Sir G. C. Lewis's "Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion."

will be often found that the most tyrannical kings or judges merely enforced the laws existing at their period with the consent, if not approval, of the community, and enacted by their predecessors.

In English history Shakespeare often illustrates this fact in the historical plays. If these dramatic chronicles, as Hallam calls them, are compared with his own histories, as well as with those of Hume, Lingard, and Macaulay, it will be seen how truly the poet describes many noble, historic personages committing or authorising legal cruelties, for which they cannot be considered personally responsible.

Among the first English authors who influenced public opinion were Francis Bacon, Sir Walter Raleigh, Edmund Spenser, and Shakespeare. Of these the last has surpassed all cotemporaries in lasting esteem, value, and popularity. The previous writings and thoughts of Chaucer and Wickliffe, and the yet earlier works of the monk Cædmon and the venerable Bede, had comparatively slight influence in political history.1 It appears from the admissions of learned English writers that from the earliest Christian monasteries in Ireland there came students of comparative learning.2 Yet they, like the early British writers, apparently strove rather to maintain or restore classic literature than to examine or elucidate the historical legends of their own country.

I "Bede wrote all his extant works in Latin. The most notable is his 'Church History of the English Nation." "—Arnold's "Manual of English Literature."

2 Hallam's "Literary History of Europe," Vol. 1st.