that it was written exactly that Liston should not be able to act itbut Mr. Planché, it seems, knew him better than we did, and has given him wherewithal to make a decided hit.

The first act of this piece is admirably conceived, exceedingly well written, and transcendently acted. The story of the piece is of an exiled officer, falsely accused of treason, with whom Brock, a rich farmer, had some early connection, and whom he shelters in his distress. The character of Brock may be summed up in one word-goodness ;— fine, jolly, blunt, open-hearted, merry-tempered, benevolent goodness. And the manner in which Liston embodied it was one of the most perfect things we ever beheld. None of his own grimaces-no jabbering to the pit without saying a word, according to his usual fashion. No. This was fine, real, straightforward acting; sometimes reminding us a little of both Fawcett and Farren; but with a richness of his own superadded. The scene between Brock and the king was as fine a bit of comedy as we have seen for a long time-though it was still at Drury-Lane, worthy correspondent. Farren's Charles XII. was perfect, but that need cause no surprise. The character has been drawn with far too much of the milk of human kindness for that mad, blood-thirsty mohawk, who thought his subjects might be governed by his boot, and did not care how far his wild abominations drove its spur into their vitals. But, of course, this modification was necessary in a piece which was to end happily through his means-and Farren played the part admirably. As he entered, which was through a door, in the flat, the rogue knew that the door-frame exactly served the use of that of a picture, and there he stood for a minute or two, the exact counterpart of the wellknown picture of Charles XII. His coat was green, though it should have been blue. In the scene with Brock, it is difficult to say which was the best, except that that style of excellence was not expected from Liston. The king comes merely as an officer, and Brock goes through a history to him of having, when Charles was in emergency for cash in one of his campaigns, advanced to the Princess Ulrica, for him, a sum of money, which the king had chosen to forget to pay. And, though he still seems proud of him in the main, he lets out, in his (Brock's not Liston's) hearty, free-spoken manner, all manner of jibes and raps against the king. Charles then tells him he is sent to pay the money, and hands him an order on the treasury. Brock, mollified at once at being duly paid, says the king may want it still, and proceeds to light his pipe with it. Just then, a burgomaster, with an unrememberable name, admirably played by Harley, enters, and suspects the king of being the exiled officer; he summons the whole village, and examines him: the equivoque-by which every answer the king gives, though strictly true, is turned by the magistrate against him is conducted with great skill. At last, however, the truth comes out. The burgomaster asks him his name, and he answers "Charles," to the great indignation of the civic dignitary, who thinks it a contempt of court. "What was your father's name, fellow?" (We do not profess to give the exact words.) 66 Charles, also." "Had he no other name?" Why, as others had borne it, he was sometimes called Charles XI., of Sweden. I am Charles the Twelfth !"

66

The second act is spun out too much, but we doubt not it will be compressed hereafter. There is a very lively bit in it, in which Brock's

daughter acts over to her female friend, the exile's daughter, how the king ought to behave to her father, who is about to be brought before him. The king is behind, and when the exile is brought before him, says exactly what Miss Brock has said, mimicking her mimicry of him. At the end, the king desires Brock to demand of him the boon which he had promised, when he became known after the farmer had burned the treasury-order. He asks one or two things, about the exile, and the burgomaster who had been disgraced; but Charles had already done the things asked, from motives of his own. At last, Brock not being able to think of any thing, Liston does-and begs Farren, or Charles, or both, to advance, and say a few deprecatory words to the audience. But Charles answers him that he still must remain in his debt-as he has more influence in that quarter, and therefore must speak for himself. He advances accordingly, and after a few words begs the audience will allow him to say "Long live Charles XII.!"

With such a striking piece of acting as Liston's we doubt not that it will. We are most far from drawing any comparison to Farren's slight; and we are not quite sure whether the little finale above-mentioned would not have been better omitted-but we always expect perfection from him, and, therefore, it is no surprise to find it. But Liston is an irregular genius-now admirable, now extravagant-now right, now wrong. And, last night, it was not so much the degree, as the kind, of excellence which astonished and gratified us so much. He, of course, never can lose his own inimitable and delicious Listonism,-but now we find, which we before doubted, that he has in him qualities of an higher order still*.

18th. We are rejoiced to see that the Catholic Association has determined not to sanction "exclusive dealing." Nay more, the tone which the great majority of the speakers on the subject adopted, was such as to do one's heart good. The expressions of unqualified abhorrence and loathing which the very idea of such a measure occasioned in their minds, were what one might expect from persons of ardent dispositions, strongly excited in the cause of humanity and social feeling. We shall not say more on this very odious subject-the less it is mentioned the better. But, as in our Diary of last month, we noticed the rumour of its being adopted, with dread-we think it right now to mention, with joy, its final and unqualified rejection.

24th. We are very glad to see intellectual feelings "marching" into a quarter, where, hitherto, marching of another description has greatly retarded their approach. We rejoice to see the liberal and conciliatory spirit of the following admonitory regulation, which we copy from among some others published to-day as having been recently issued by Sir Her bert Taylor. The army-the country-must feel grateful to this accomplished officer-as also to the amiable General-in-chief, Lord Hill-for inculcating the principles here set forth. It is laying down broadly the great principle that kindness and reason are better instruments wherewith to rule, than sheer force. The obedience is more ready, more

Wonders will never cease. Half-a-dozen different papers all proclaim that Mr. Braham has just burst forth" a first-rate comedian"!

cheerful, more intelligent-and therefore more complete. The adoption of these principles will make the soldier happier, the officer more worthy. We confess, we would gladly see the same spirit more general between superior and inferior in other classes as well as the military. That cold, almost sullen, haughtiness which the English are so apt to throw into their manner towards those under their power, is, we think, beginning to decline. But the thaw is very gradual—and we would wish to see it most rapid. As the young, however, of these days grow up, we hope to see it advance more and more: and, certainly, there can be no greater tribute to the principle of substituting kind and courteous, for stern and severe, treatment, than the following order to the army-in which, of course, subordination is necessary to an extent quite needless in ordinary life.

The Order is addressed to the general officers commanding districts, to be observed at inspections :

Finally, the General Officer will take every opportunity of impressing upon the Commanding-officer, and through him upon those of every rank, the advantage which they, individually, the corps, and the service at large, will derive from the adoption towards the non-commissioned officer and soldier of a system of command and treatment which shall be free from the coarse and offensive language too often used in reproving the soldier for trifling irregularities, or for accidental omissions. They should be told that the use of gross language and offensive terms, upon any occasion, is not only unbecoming their own character and station, as officers and gentlemen, but degrading to the soldier; whereas it is desirable to keep up in all ranks of the army a proper feeling, and high sense of honour, by which the correct discharge of duty will be best insured.

The gross abuse which is often lavished on a soldier for a trifling fault, an accidental mistake, or an unintentional omission, produces irritation or sulk, and to this cause, more than to any other, may be traced acts of insubordination, which entail the necessity of severe punishment. If reproof be necessary, it should be conveyed in such a manner, and in such terms, as will make a lasting impression, without hurting the feelings of the individual and lowering him in his own estimation. The officers should, not only themselves, observe this injunction, but they should require it to be observed by the non-commissioned officers; and indeed their example will very soon have the effect of checking the use of improper and offensive terms on the part of the non-commissioned officers towards the soldiers. If acts .of intentional neglect and of insubordination should take place, although wholly unprovoked by any treatment received, the means of correction and punishment which are authorized by the regulations of the service must be resorted to, and they will have double effect if not preceded by coarse and abusive language; indeed it will probably be found that they will become comparatively rare, as the duty will be done more cheerfully and zealously. By command of the Right Hon. General Lord Hill,

H. TAYLOR, Adjutant-General.

"An

26th. There is in the Times of this morning a letter, signed Inhabitant of Camberwell," addressed to Mr. Peel, setting forth the shamefully insecure state in which that neighbourhood is placed, with regard to burglaries, and soliciting further protection. On the writer's own shewing, a considerable portion of the evil arises from the perverseness of the parochial authorities in placing all the watchmen in the large streets and highways, and leaving the bye-lanes, upon which the back part of

most of the houses abut, totally unguarded. With this, of course, the government has nothing to do. Still, supposing the parochial watch were managed as skilfully as possible, we think that in the outskirts of London it does need some assistance from the general police.

But it is not to speak of this individual case that we are induced to take notice of this letter: there is one general allegation in it, which we know to be true, and which goes to the very core of our present policesystem, concerning which we wish to make a few observations:-the writer says" It is well known that without the offer of large rewards, many of the officers cannot be induced to exert themselves for the apprehension of offenders. Their plea is that their pay is inadequate, and that they are exposed to much expense in seeking for information and evidence, which, if unsuccessful, falls upon themselves;-that their numbers, also, are very inadequate to the increase of buildings." That their pay is absurdly out of proportion with the duties they are called upon to execute, will appear when we say that their average salary is only five-and-twenty shillings a-week *. When we consider what they are called upon to do in the case of an extensive robbery, executed with skill,—such a salary as this manifestly necessitates their being otherwise rewarded. They are, and they must be, paid by the job. Now, it is impossible there can be a more evil principle than this. It is giving the officers of police a direct interest in the commission of crime. We are most far from making any, even the least, insinuation against any of the existing officers-we have no knowledge of any thing in their conduct to reprehend. But the principle is a bad one; it must expose the honesty of these men to the severest temptation, and not many years ago the rewards for capital convictions led some of them, who previously held the highest character, into a regular combination to cause the commission of crime for the sake of the reward on conviction. Moreover, such a system puts a poor man beyond the protection of the law altogether. If he is robbed, he has no chance of recovering his property it is not worth the officers' while-they, in fact, cannot afford it-to exert themselves to that effect. Supposing a tradesman, in a moderate way of business, has his shop broken open, and, in proportion to his wealth, a large quantity of goods stolen, how is he to recover them? He cannot afford to pay the officers largely, and they cannot afford to seek information, to follow up slight clues, to the great consumption of their time, nay, perhaps, to spend money in doing both, without being paid for it in proportion.

We have heard it laid down as a principle that it ought to be the individual who has been robbed who should pay. We should like to know what we pay taxes for?—for general Government, is it not—And is it not the very first and most direct duty of all government to provide for the safety of life and property? In the other case, as we have shewn, people who cannot afford to pay largely for being robbed have no protection at all: and it is an outrageous and insulting tax upon any one, how rich soever he may be. If every man is to do the best or himself, Society would be at an end at once. The principle on which

* We should scarcely give credit to so small a sum, were it not that we have been so informed by a police-magistrate.

it rests demands combination and mutual protection. The means adopted for that protection are the establishment of a general government amply paid to carry its duties into effect. And, then, are we to be told that every man must pay individually to obtain redress in the event of his being robbed? The principle is monstrous-and were it not that we know it has been strongly advocated, we should scarcely think it worthy of notice.

The whole system of the police of the metropolis should undergo a thorough revision-and we believe that it soon will. And among the first subject to be remodelled should be the body known by the name of Police-Officers. It should be a regularly-organized corps, consisting of due gradations, all amply paid. They would then be able to exert themselves as they ought, without demanding, or being permitted to demand, a farthing from individuals. Expenses fairly and properly incurred in gaining necessary information, and duly authenticated, should be paid out of public funds, as well as any other necessary proceeding to bring offenders to justice: but, of course, every care should be taken to ascertain the necessity.

It is undoubted that crimes against property are now very prevalent in London and its neighbourhood. The causes are manifold-and we probably shall devote some consideration to this subject next month. The fact, however, is so; and we cannot say we think it likely to be diminished while there is a direct interest given to the officers that crime should be committed rather than prevented. The whole flashhouse system is on this principle. It encourages and increases the existence of crime, while it gives assistance to its detection. scandal, also, we hope will not be suffered much longer to exist.

This

27th. It is impossible to close our Diary for the month of December, 1828, without noticing the Duke of Wellington's letter to Dr. Curtis, on the Catholic question. It is, indeed, a document well worthy of being considered memorable; for the duke, knowing the immense importance which any declaration of his on this subject would have, must have been especially careful in its preparation, and thoroughly determined to stand to what it might contain. The first point in it is the announcement of his wish for Catholic emacipation: "I assure you that you do me justice in believing, that I am anxious to witness the settlement of the Roman Catholic question, which, by benefiting the state, would confer a benefit on every individual belonging to it." This clearly manifests a desire that it should be possible to grant the Catholic claims-for the words are prospective ;-and, either the Catholic question is settled, for the Anti-Catholics do not wish for any such possibility, but desire matters to remain as they are-or it can be settled only by concession;-at the least of some kind and degree. We are almost ashamed to set forth so self-evident a proposition as this—but we have known the Orangemen quibble more subtilly than it would even require to wrest the meaning of the duke's words into a declaration against the Catholics.

But, then, the duke goes on to say that he sees "no prospect of such a settlement.-Party," he continues, "has been mixed up with the consideration of the question to such a degree, and such violence pervades every discussion of it, that it is impossible to expect to prevail