it is necessary to retrace, for a moment, some leading public events; and the appearance on the political scene, of some distinguished persons, whose names are associated with his career. The continuance of the same administration, and the disastrous uniformity of its course, admits of this in a very brief retrospect.

The unhappy ministry formed under the auspices of lord Chatham expired on the 28th of January, 1770, with the resignation of the duke of Grafton ; driven, it was said, by the attacks of Wilkes and Junius from his post. This fact, if it be so, would prove only that calumnies can be levelled from the press with as deadly effect as truth and the denunciation of wrong. He was succeeded by lord North, whose name is stamped upon the twelve years of mal-administration which immediately followed.

It has been said for lord North, as for Mr. George Grenville, that he disapproved of the taxation of America, but yielded up his conscience to that unseen and overruling influence, without propitiating which no minister could hold his place. Compromises of this kind are too general to excite surprise. Vulgar obloquy ascribes them to a sordid love of office. They are to be accounted for, more charitably and truly, by that more generous instinctive love of power and conspicuous place, which makes the Turk seek to be the first slave, with the terrors of a savage populace on the one side, and despotism, caprice, and the bowstring on the other. Lord North began with repealing the obnoxious port duties of the preceding ministry, excepting only the trifling duty on tea. The avowed purpose of this exception was

to assert the supremacy of the mother-country ; the real and latent motive was, to satisfy the king by the assertion of a despotic principle. But it was forgotten that, though power may be flattered by a pageant, the badge is not less galling than the yoke to freemen. When pressed to consent to a total repeal, he replied, "America must first lie proSomething like energy would be expected of one whose pretensions were so high; but his measures exhibit all that is vexatious and irritating, nothing that is vigorous and redeeming, in tyranny.

strate at our feet."

The first conflict of arms took place at Lexington, within a short distance of Boston, on the 19th of April, 1775. Some discussion arose as to which party first fired. The Americans were organised and arrayed in a state incompatible with political order; and, the contest being inevitable, the first discharge was a matter of indifference or prudence. A second engagement, unexampled for the extent of carnage in proportion to its duration and the numbers engaged, was fought, on the 16th of the following June, at Bunker's Hill, in the neighbourhood of Boston; and the result should have satisfied those who expected revenue from America with the bayonet to her breast, that they should have nothing but blood. Washington was now called to the chief military command. After a protracted and trying series of the hardships and vicissitudes of war, all hope of conquest was extinguished in reasonable minds. The sentiment of independence in the hearts of the Americans from the beginning was now proclaimed by them. Yet did the British

ministry persevere, under a mysterious controlling hand, which was almost avowed in a moment when the sudden news of disaster had thrown Lord North off his guard.* The ministry defended and consoled themselves by tarnishing the reputation of the unsuccessful generals.

This period of ministerial and parliamentary debasement was pre-eminently the æra of British parliamentary eloquence. Never were evil counsels more powerfully and palpably exposed. Lord Chatham, after about two years' retirement for his health, returned in all the lustre of his eloquence and reputation. It would seem as if the virtues and the faculties of this great man were endued with a certain recuperative force, out of the ordinary course of nature. There is something mournful, something which asks a sigh for humanity, in the obscurations of his character and intellectual powers,-something gratulatory and inspiring in his renovated splendour. He now denounced the American war with the fervour of youth and the wisdom of age; and at last, with that prophetic spirit which was supposed in ancient superstition and poetry to manifest itself at the close of life. But, whilst lord Chatham reprobated the war, he opposed as vehemently the independence of America.

The duke of Richmond brought the subject before parliament on the 7th of April, 1778. Lord Chatham, oppressed with years and infirmities, made a painful effort to attend. "I rejoice, my lords," said he, "that the grave has not yet closed voice upon me,—that I am still alive, to lift up my

* Parliamentary Debates, December, 1777.

against the dismemberment of this ancient and noble monarchy." But his predominant sentiment was that mixed one of pride and patriotism, which made the humiliation of the house of Bourbon the great object of his policy and life. "Pressed down as I am by the load of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country; but whilst I have sense and memory, I will never consent to tarnish the lustre of this nation. Shall a people so lately the terror of the world now fall prostrate before the house of Bourbon? No: it is impossible!"

The duke of Richmond, in replying, frequently put the question, "Will the noble lord inform us where we are to find men?" Lord Chatham, labouring with the inward tumult of his thoughts and emotions, rose, and, eyeing the duke with ineffable scorn, said, "The noble duke asks where he he is to find men: are there no men in England? -Look, my lords, look! there they are! -behind your lordships' bar!"-glancing at the crowd of strangers which seemed to recede from the lightning of his looks.* The effort was too much for him he fainted in the arms of lord Temple; was borne out of the house; and died on the 11th of the following May. It is to be regretted that he did not expire in the field of his glory. His death and life were truly heroic, if that word be applicable to the virtues and genius of civil life.

Burke, destined soon to be associated with the political life and interests of the prince of Wales, reached the summit of his eloquence, authority, and fame, during this period. But the most pro* See Reminiscences of Charles Butler, Esq.

minent figure, and the most closely connected with the subject of these pages, was Charles James Fox; one whose friendship was an honour to the prince, as he was himself to human nature.

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Mr. Fox's early career of reckless pleasure is almost as well known as his public life. Returned to parliament a mere youth, he voted for some years with the court and the minister. Deference to the politics of his father, who, it appears, merited all his affection, and possessed it, accounts for, and excuses, conduct so alien to his subsequent character. He, however, during this period, discovered himself occasionally by glimpses of his eloquence and his principles. In 1772 he voted and spoke with the minority on the petition for relief from the obligation to subscribe the Thirty-nine Articles, and with the majority in favour of the motion for enlarging the Toleration Act. By the by," says Gibbon, in one of his letters, "Charles Fox prepared himself for that holy war by passing twentytwo hours in the pious exercise of hazard. His devotion cost him only about 5007. per hour." In 1773 his father relieved him from debts to the amount of 140,000l. He was soon again involved as deeply, and his dissipations were as noted in Paris as in London. One of the most remarkable women of the age, then old and blind, madame du Deffand, called by Voltaire "l'aveugle clairvoyante," gives some curious touches of his character as it appeared to her during a visit which he made with colonel Fitzpatrick to Paris, in 1776. "Je ne sais pas bien encore," says she, on his arrival, "comment je trouve le Fox. Il a sans doute beaucoup d'esprit, et sur