it is so. Why, for instance, legislation may not as well be confided to one body, as to two distinct bodies? Why unity in the Executive is preferable to plurality of numbers? Why the Judiciary should be separated from the other branches? Why, in short, simplicity in government is destructive of public liberty; and a complex machinery of checks and balances is indispensable to preserve it? Inquiries of this sort, if they do not spontaneously rise up in his own mind, cannot be presented to it by his instructer, without opening new and various sources of reflection. He will thus be conducted to the threshold of that profound science, which begins and ends with the proper study of man in all his social relations.

And here, again, it may be confidently affirmed, that there is not the slightest difficulty in unfolding to our youth the true nature and bearing of all these arrangements, and the reasons, on which they are founded. Although they are the result of human wisdom, acting upon the most comprehensive human experience, and have tasked the greatest minds to discover and apply them; they are, nevertheless, capable of as exact a demonstration, as any other problems of moral philosophy, applied to the business of human life. It required the genius of Newton to discover the profound mystery of the universal law of gravitation; but every schoolboy can now reason upon it, when he bathes in the refreshing coolness of the summer stream, or gazes with unmixed delight on the beautiful starlight of the wintry heavens. So it is with political philosophy. Its great truths can be clearly taught, and made familiar to the juvenile mind, at the same time, that they may well employ the most exalted powers of the human understanding. What more difficulty, for instance, is there in a scholar's comprehending the value of checks, and balances, and divisions of power in a government, than in comprehending the value of good order and discipline in a school, or the propriety of trustees' laying down rules to regulate and control the head master, and he, other rules to guide and direct his ushers? The principles may not, indeed, always be obvious to the narrow circle of his thoughts; but they can be pointed out. They may lie too remote for his immediate observation; but he may learn the paths, by which they may be explored. They may not, as yet, be within his grasp; but he can be taught, how they may be reached by skill and diligence. He may not, as yet, see their full extent and operation; but his vision will gradually expand, until he can seize on the most distant objects, and bring

them, as it were, under the eye of his mind with a close and cloudless certainty. Every element of knowledge, which he thus gradually acquires, will soon become incorporated into his former stock, until, at last, he has accumulated a capital, upon which he may safely set up for himself; and, by widening, and deepening, and strengthening the foundations, he may, at length, acquire a character for political wisdom and ability, which shall make him at once an ornament and a blessing to his country, even though he may never pass beyond the precincts of his native village. He may there be able to quiet the discontented murmurs of a misguided populace. He may there repress the ordinate love of innovation of the young, the ignorant, and the restless. He may there stand the unconquerable friend of liberty; recommending it by his virtues, and sustaining it by his councils. He may there withstand the village tyrant, too often disguised under the specious character of the village demagogue. And he may there close his life with the conscious satisfaction, that, as a village patriot, he has thus filled up the measure of his duties; and has earned a far more enviable title to true glory, than the conqueror, who has left the dark impressions of his desolations in the ruined hopes and fortunes of millions.

If, on the other hand, a higher destiny awaits him; if he is called to take a part in the public councils of the state, or nation; what immense advantages must such preparatory studies and principles give him over those, who rise into public life by the accidents of the day, and rush into the halls of legislation with a blind and daring confidence, equalled only by their gross ignorance, and their rash ardor for reform! For weal, or for wo, our destiny must be committed to the one or the other of these classes of rulers, as public opinion shall decide. Who would willingly commit himself to the skill of a pilot, who had never sounded the depths, or marked the quicksands of the coast? Who would venture to embark his all on board a ship, on a short voyage, (far less, on the voyage of life,) when the crew have not learned how to trim the sails, and there is neither chart nor compass on board to guide the navigation?

I am not aware, that there are any solid objections, which can be urged against introducing the science of government into our common schools, as a branch of popular education. If it should be said, that it is too deep and difficult for the studies of youth, that objection assumes the very matter in controversy; and, if the observations already made are well founded, it is wholly indefensi

ble. If it should be said, that it will have a tendency to introduce. party creeds and party dogmas into our schools, the true answer is, that the principles of government should be there taught, and not the creeds or dogmas of any party. The principles of the constitution, under which we live; the principles, upon which republics. generally are founded, by which they are sustained, and through which they must be saved; the principles of public policy, by which national prosperity is secured, and national ruin averted; these, certainly, are not party creeds, or party dogmas; but are fit to be taught at all times and on all occasions, if any thing, which belongs to human life and our own condition, is fit to be taught. If we wait, until we can guard ourselves against every possible chance of abuse, before we introduce any system of instruction, we shall wait until the current of time has flowed into the ocean of eternity. There is nothing, which ever has been, or ever can be taught, without some chance of abuse, nay, without some absolute abuse. Even religion itself, our truest and our only lasting hope and consolation, has not escaped the common infirmity of our nature. If it never had been taught, until it could be taught with the purity, simplicity, and energy of the apostolic age, we ourselves, instead of being blest with the bright and balmy influences of Christianity, should now have been groping our way in the darkness of heathenism, or left to perish in the cold and cheerless labyrinths of skepticism.

If it be said, that there is not time, or means, suitable to learn these principles in our common schools, the true answer is, that, if the fact be so, (which is not admitted,) more time should be given, and more ample means be supplied, for the purpose. What is the business of education, but to fit men to accomplish their duties and their destiny? And who is there among Americans, that is not called to the constant performance of political duties, and the exercise of political privileges? He may perform, or use them, well or ill. But the results of the use and abuse are, and ever will be, mixed up with his own intimate interests. The perils, he may choose that others shall encounter, he must share in common with them. He is embarked in the same ship of state, and the shipwreck, which shall bury the hopes of others, will not spare his own. What blessings in human life can fairly be put in competition with those derived from good government and free institutions? What condition can be more deplorable than that, where labor has no reward, property no security, and domestic life no tranquillity?

where the slave is compelled to kiss the chain, which binds him to wretchedness, and smile upon his oppressor, while his heart is writhing in agony? Let not Americans forget, that Greece, immortal Greece, has been free; and yet, that thousands of years have already rolled over her servitude; that Italy, beautiful Italy, has been free; but where is now her republican grandeur? The Apennines still lift up their bold and rugged peaks; the sun still looks down upon her plains with a warm and cloudless splendor; but the spirit of liberty is not there; and Rome has become, as it were, the vast sepulchre of her own perished glory.

But, independent of the grave considerations, already urged, in favor of the introduction of political studies into our system of popular education, there are other collateral advantages, which should not be wholly passed by.

In the first place, there are no studies better fitted to discipline the mind, or to accustom it to severe and close investigation. They combine, in a very high degree, the speculations of philosophy with the varied events of history, and increase the separate interest of each. They have a tendency to enlarge and liberalize the mind, by familiarizing it with comprehensive views of men and things. They are capable of an indefinite expansion and variety; such as may employ the whole leisure of the most retired scholar, or suit the short and hasty intervals of the man of business. They gather up new materials in the daily intercourse of society; and, at the same time, they enable us to expound its apparent anomalies, and classify its varied results.

In the next place, they have a powerful tendency to counteract the rash and hasty judgments, which youth and inexperience naturally produce in ardent and inquisitive minds. Nothing is so fascinating, and so delusive, as the simplicity of theory, in the earlier stages of life. It not only flatters that pride of opinion, which results from a supposed mastery of important truths; but it gratifies that fresh and vigorous confidence, which hopeth all things, and believeth all things. The severe lessons of experience do, indeed, generally, correct, or demolish these visionary notions. But they often come so slow, that irreparable mistakes have been already committed; and the party is left to mourn over the blight of his own prospects, or the impending dangers to his country. Nothing can have a more salutary effect in repressing this undue pride and confidence than the study of the science of government. The youth is there taught, how little reliance can be placed upon mere

abstract speculations; how often that, which is theoretically true, becomes practically mischievous; how complicated is the machinery, necessary to carry on the operations of a good government; how many nice adjustments are required, to give full play and activity to the system; how slow every change must be, to be safe, as well as improving; and, above all, how often the wisest statesmen, the truest patriots, and the most profound reasoners, find defects, where they had least suspected them; and their labors, begun with energy and confidence, end in disappointment and mortification. Nay, systems of government, which have been apparently reared with. consummate skill and solidity, have often been found buried in ruins, before the capstone has been placed upon them; and, while the architect has been still gazing on his own work, he has become the first victim of its ponderous magnificence.

Considerations of this sort cannot wholly escape an ingenuous youth, upon the most cursory examination of government, as it is read by the lights of history. They will naturally inspire caution, if they do not awaken distrust; and when, at every step of his advancement in political studies, he finds himself compelled to surrender some imagined truth, to discredit some popular dogma, and to doubt some plausible theory, he cannot but profit by the instructions, which they hold out, and the admonitions, which they silently inculcate. A nation, whose citizens are habitually attentive to the principles and workings of government, may sometimes be betrayed; but it can scarcely be ruined. At least, it cannot be enslaved, until it has sunk so low in corruption, that it will hail the presence of any tyrant, to escape from the terrible scourges of anarchy.

But it may be asked, and this is the last topic, on which I propose to address you, In what mode is the science of government to be taught in our common schools? The answer may be given in a few words. It is by the introduction and constant use of suitable elementary works, which unfold the principles of government, and illustrate their application, and in an especial manner, with reference to the forms of the American constitutions. Such works should not only be read, but be studied as classbooks. The instructer, if he possesses common skill and ingenuity, may easily make them, not a dry task, but an interesting exercise. By bringing constantly before the school, in the course of reading, and recitation, and occasional explanations, the leading principles of government, he will gradually make the pupils familiar with their bearing and value.