RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS.

hand to press more closely on our liberties, than
any of their predecessors. For our own part,
however, we have never been able to see
things in this inauspicious light; and having
no personal or factious quarrel with our pres-
gent ministers, are easily comforted for the in-
creased chance of their continuance in office,
by a consideration of those circumstances that
must infallibly, under any ministry, operate
to facilitate reform, to diminish the power of
the Crown, and to consolidate the liberties of
the nation. If our readers agree with us in
our estimate of the importance of these cir-
cumstances, we can scarcely doubt that they
will concur in our general conclusion.

In the first place, then, it is obvious, that
the direct patronage and indirect influence or
the Crown must be most seriously and effect-
ually abridged by the reduction of our army
the diminution of our taxes, and,
and
navy,
generally speaking, of all our establishments,
We have
upon the ratification of peace.
thought it a great deal gained for the Consti-
tation of late years, when we could strike off
a few hundred thousand pounds of offices in
the gift of the Crown, that had become use-
less, or might be consolidated; and now the
peace will, at one blow, strike off probably
thirty or forty millions of government expendi-
ture, ordinary or extraordinary. This alone
might restore the balance of the Constitution.
In the next place, a continuance of peace
and prosperity will naturally produce a greater
diffusion of wealth, and consequently a greater
spirit of independence in the body of the peo-
ple; which, co-operating with the diminished
power of the government to provide for its
baser adherents, must speedily thin the ranks
of its regular supporters, and expose it far
more effectually to the control of a weightier
and more impartial public opinion.

In the third place, the events to which we
have alluded, and the situation in which they
will leave us, will take away almost all those
pretexts for resisting inquiry into abuses, and
proposals for reform, by the help of which,
rather than of any serious dispute on the prin-
ciple, these important discussions have been
waived for these last twenty years. We shall
no longer be stopped with the plea of its being
no fit time to quarrel about the little faults of
our Constitution, when we are struggling with
a ferocious enemy for its very existence. It
will not now do to tell us, that it is both dan-
gerous and disgraceful to show ourselves dis-
united in a season of such imminent peril or
that all great and patriotic minds should be
entirely engrossed with the care of our safety,
and can have neither leisure nor energy to
bestow upon concerns less urgent or vital.
The restoration of peace, on the contrary, will
soon leave us little else to do;-and when we
have no invasions nor expeditions-nor coali-
tions nor campaigns-nor even any loans and
budgets to fill the minds of our statesmen, and
the ears of our idle politicians, we think it al-
most certain that questions of reform will rise
into paramount importance, and the redress
of abuses become the most interesting of pub-
lic pursuits. We shall be once more entitled,

75

|

too, to make a fair and natural appeal to the
analogous acts or institutions of other nations,
without being met by the cry of revolution
and democracy, or the imputation of abetting
the proceedings of a sanguinary despot. We
shall again see the abuses of old hereditary
power, and the evils of maladministration in
legitimate hands; and be permitted to argue
from them, without the reproach of disaffec-
tion to the general cause of mankind. Men
and things, in short, we trust, will again re-
ceive their true names, on a fair consideration
of their merits; and our notions of political
desert be no longer confounded by indiscrimi-
nate praise of all who are with us, and in-
tolerant abuse of all who are against us, in a
struggle that touches the sources of so many
passions. When we plead for the emancipa-
tion of the Catholics of Ireland, we shall no
longer be told that the Pope is a mere puppet
in the hands of an inveterate foe,-nor be de-
terred from protesting against the conflagration
of a friendly capital, by the suggestion, that
no other means were left to prevent that same
foe from possessing himself of its fleet. Ex-
ceptions and extreme cases, in short, will no
longer furnish the ordinary rules of our con-
duct; and it will be impossible, by extraneous
arguments, to baffle every attempt at a fair es-
timate of our public principles and proceedings.

These, we think, are among the necessary consequences of a peace concluded in such circumstances as we have now been considering; and they are but a specimen of the kindred consequences to which it must infallibly lead. If these ensue, however, and are allowed to produce their natural effects, it is a matter of indifference to us whether Lord Castlereagh and Lord Liverpool, or Lord Grey and Lord Grenville are at the head of the government. The former, indeed, may probably be a little uneasy in so new a posture of affairs; but they will either conform to it, or abandon their posts in despair. To control or alter it, will assuredly be beyond their power.

With these pleasing anticipations, we would willingly close this long review of the State and Prospects of the European Commonwealth, in its present great crisis, of restoration, or of new revolutions. But, cheering and beautiful as it is, and disposed as we think we have shown ourselves to look hopefully upon it, it is impossible to shut our eyes on two dark stains that appear on the bright horizon, and seem already to tarnish the glories with which they are so sadly contrasted. One is of longer standing, and perhaps of deeper dye.-But both are most painful deformities on the face of so fair a prospect; and may be mentioned with less scruple and greater hope, from the consideration, that those who have now the power of effacing them can scarcely be charged with the guilt of their production, and have given strong indications of dispositions that must lead them to wish for their removal. We need scarcely give the key to these observations by naming the names of Poland and of Norway. Nor do we propose, on the present occasion, to do much more than to name them Of the latter, we shall probably contrive to

2Z2

speak fully on a future occasion. Of the for- to rouse its vast and warlike population with mer, many of our readers may think we have, the vain promise of independence; while it on former occasions, said at least enough. perfectly manifest that those, by whom alone Our zeal in that cause, we know, has been that promise could be effectually kept, wood made matter of wonder, and even of derision, gain prodigiously, both in security and in subamong certain persons who value themselves stantial influence, by its faithful performance. on the character of practical politicians and It is not, however, for the mere name di men of the world; and we have had the satis- independence, nor for the lost glories of a faction of listening to various witty sneers on ancient and honourable existence, that the the mixed simplicity and extravagance of people of Poland are thus eager to any supposing, that the kingdom of the Poles was themselves in any desperate strife of whet to be re-established by a dissertation in an this may be proclaimed as the prize. We English journal. It would perhaps be enough have shown, in our last number, the substan to state, that, independent of any view to an tial and intolerable evils which this extinction immediate or practical result in other regions, of their national dignity-this sore and unit is of some consequence to keep the obser- merited wound to their national pride, has vation of England alive, and its feelings awake, necessarily occasioned: And thinking, as we upon a subject of this importance: But we do, that a people without the feelings of na must beg leave to add, that such dissertations tional pride and public duty must be a people are humbly conceived to be among the legiti- without energy and without enjoyments, we mate means by which the English public both apprehend it to be at any rate indisputable, in instructs and expresses itself; and that the the present instance, that the circumstances opinion of the English public is still allowed which have dissolved their political being to have weight with its government; which have struck also at the root of their individual again cannot well be supposed to be altogether happiness and prosperity; and that it is not without influence in the councils of its allies. merely the unjust destruction of an ancient Whatever becomes of Poland, it is most kindom that we lament, but the condemnation material, we think, that the people of this of fifteen millions of human beings to uncountry should judge soundly, and feel right- profitable and unparalleled misery. ly, on a matter that touches on principles of such general application. But every thing that has passed since the publication of our former remarks, combines to justify what we then stated; and to encourage us to make louder and more energetic appeals to the justice and prudence and magnanimity of the parties concerned in this transaction. The words and the deeds of Alexander that have, since that period, passed into the page of history-the principles he has solemnly professed, and the acts by which he has sealed that profession-entitle us to expect from him a strain of justice and generosity, which vulgar politicians may call romantic if they please, but which all men of high principles and enlarged understandings will feel to be not more heroic than judicious. While Poland remains oppressed and discontented, the peace of Europe will always be at the mercy of any ambitious or intriguing power that may think fit

But though these are the considerations by which the feelings of private individuals are most naturally affected, it should never be forgotten, that all the principles on which the great fabric of national independence con fessedly rests in Europe, are involved in the decision of this question; and that no one nation can be secure in its separate existence, if all the rest do not concur in disavowing the maxims which were acted upon in the partition of Poland. It is not only mournful to see the scattered and bleeding members of that unhappy state still palpitating and ago nising on the spot where it lately stood erect in youthful vigour and beauty; but it is unsafe to breathe the noxious vapours which this melancholy spectacle exhales. The whole some neighbourhood is poisoned by their dif fusion; and every independence within their range, sickens and is endangered by the con tagion.

(February, 1811.)

Speech of the Right Hon. William Windham, in the House of Commons, May 26, 1809, Mr. Curwen's Bill, "for better securing the Independence and Purity of Parliament, by preventing the procuring or obtaining of Seats by corrupt Practices." 8vo. pp. London: 1810.*

43.

MR. WINDHAM, the most high-minded and in selling seats in parliament openly to the incorruptible of living men, can see no harm highest bidder, or for excluding public trusts The passing of the Reform Bill has antiquated ponents of reform principles-which are applicable much of the discussion in this article. as originally to all times, and all conditions of society; and of written; and a considerable portion of it is now, for which recent events and discussions seem to show this reason, omitted. But it also contains answers that the present generation may still need to be re to the systematic apologists of corruption, and op-minded.

generally from the money market; and is of | pernicious and reprehensible cf all political opinion that political influence arising from abuses. property should be disposed of like other The natural influence of property is that property. It will be readily supposed that which results spontaneously from its ordinary we do not assent to any part of this doctrine; use and expenditure, and cannot well be mis and indeed we must beg leave to say, that to understood. That a man who spends a large us it is no sort of argument for the sale of income in the place of his residence-who seats, to contend that such a transference is subscribes handsomely for building bridges, no worse than the possession of the property hospitals, and assembly-rooms, and generally transferred; and to remind us, that he who to all works of public charity or accommodaobjects to men selling their influence, must tion in the neighbourhood—and who, morebe against their having it to sell. We are over, keeps the best table for the gentry, and decidedly against their having it-to sell! has the largest accounts with the tradesmen and, as to what is here considered as the will, without thinking or caring about the necessary influence of property over elections, matter, acquire more influence, and find more we should think there could be no great diffi- people ready to oblige him, than a poorer man, culty in drawing the line between the legiti- of equal virtue and talents-is a fact, which mate, harmless, and even beneficial use of we are as little inclined to deplore, as to call property, even as connected with elections; in question. Neither does it cost us any pang and its direct employment for the purchase to reflect, that, if such a man was desirous of of parliamentary influence. Almost all men-representing the borough in which he resided, indeed, we think, all men-admit, that some or of having it represented by his son or his line is to be drawn-that the political influ- brother, or some dear and intimate friend, his ence of property should be confined to that recommendation would go much farther with which is essential to its use and enjoyment; the electors than a respectable certificate of -and that penalties should be inflicted, when extraordinary worth and abilities in an opposit is directly applied to the purchase of votes; ing candidate. though that is perhaps the only case in which the law can interfere vindictively, without introducing far greater evils than those which it seeks to remedy.

To those who are already familiar with the facts and the reasonings that bear upon this great question, these brief suggestions will probably be sufficient; but there are many to whom the subject will require a little more explanation; and for whose use, at all events, the argument must be a little more opened up and expanded.

Such an influence as this, it would evidently be quite absurd for any legislature to think of interdicting, or even for any reformer to attempt to discredit. In the first place, because it is founded in the very nature of men and of human affairs, and could not possibly be prevented, or considerably weakened, by any thing short of an universal regeneration; secondly, because, though originating from property, it does by no means imply, either the baseness of venality, or the guilt of corrup tion; but rests infinitely more upon feelings If men were perfectly wise and virtuous, of vanity, and social instinctive sympathy, they would stand in no need either of Govern- than upon any consciousness of dependence, ment or of Representatives; and, therefore, or paltry expectation of personal emolument; if they do need them, it is quite certain that and, thirdly, because, taking men as they actheir choice will not be influenced by con- tually are, this mixed feeling is, upon the siderations of duty or wisdom alone. We whole, both a safer and a better feeling than may assume it as an axiom, therefore, how- the greater part of those, to the influence of ever the purists may be scandalised, that, which they would be abandoned, if this should even in political elections, some other feel- be destroyed. If the question were, always, ings will necessarily have play; and that pas- whether a man of wealth and family, or a man sions, and prejudices, and personal interests, of sense and virtue, should have the greatest will always interfere, to a greater or less ex-influence, it would no doubt be desirable that tent, with the higher dictates of patriotism the preponderance should be given to moral and philanthropy. Of these sinister motives, individual interest, of course, is the strongest and most steady; and wealth, being its most common and appropriate object, it is natural to expect that the possession of property should bestow some political influence. The question, therefore, is, whether this influence can ever be safe or tolerable-or whether it be possible to mark the limits at which it becomes so pernicious as to justify legislative coercion. Now, we are so far from thinking, with Mr. Windham, that there is no room for any distinction in this matter, that we are inclined, on the whole, to be of opinion, that what we would term the natural and inevitable influence of property in elections, is not only safe, but salutary; while its artificial and corrupt influence is among the most

and intellectual merit. But this is by no means the true state of the contest-and when the question is between the influence of property and the influence of intriguing ambition and turbulent popularity, we own that we are glad to find the former most frequently prevalent. In ordinary life, and in common affairs, this natural and indirect influence of property is vast and infallible, even upon the best and most enlightened part of the community; and nothing can conduce so surely to the stability and excellence of a political constitution, as to make it rest upon the generai principles that regulate the conduct of the better part of the individuals who live under it, and to attach them to their government by the same feelings which insure their affec tion or submission in their private capacity

This, then, is the natural influence of property; which we would not only tolerate, but encourage. We must now endeavour to explain that corrupt or artificial influence, which we conceive it to be our duty by all means to resist and repress. Under this name, we would comprehend all wilful and direct employment of property to purchase or obtain political power, in whatever form the transaction might be embodied: but, with reference to the more common cases, we shall exemplify only in the instances of purchasing votes by bribery, or holding the property of those votes distinct from any other property, and selling and transferring this for a price, like any other marketable commodity. All such practices are stigmatized, in common language, and in common feelings, as corrupt and discreditable; and the slightest reflection upon their principles and their consequences, will show, that while they tend to debase the character of all who are concerned in them, they lead directly to the subversion of all that is valuable in a representative system of government. That they may, in some cases, be combined with that indirect and legitimate influence of property of which we have just been speaking, and, in others, be insidiously engrafted upon it, it is impossible to deny; but that they are clearly distinguishable from the genuine fruits of that influence, both in their moral character and their political effects, we conceive to be equally indisputable.

Consider.

There could be no security, in short, either sequence of the extension of their possessions, for property, or for any thing else, in a coun- and the decline of the population." try where the possession of property did noted in this light, it does not appear that they bestow some political influence. can, with any propriety, be regarded either as scenes of criminal corruption, or as examples of the reprehensible influence of property. I a place which still retains (however absurdly) the right of sending members to parliameti, comes to be entirely depopulated, like O Sarum, it is impossible to suppose that the nomination of its members should vest in any one but the Proprietor of the spot to which the right is attached: and, even where the decay is less complete than in this instance, still, if any great family has gradually acquir ed the greater part of the property from which the right of voting is derived, it is equally impossible to hold that there is any thing corrupt or reprehensible in its availing itself of this influence. Cases of this sort, therefore, we are inclined to consider as cases of the fair influence of property; and though we admit them to be both contradictory to the general scheme of the Constitution, and subversive of some of its most important princeples, we think they are to be regarded as flaws and irregularities brought on by time and the course of events, rather than as abuses introduced by the vices and corruptions of men. The remedy-and we certainly think a very obvious and proper remedy-would be, to take the right of election from all places so small and insignificant as to have thus be come, in a great measure, the property of an individual-not to rail at the individual who avails himself of the influence inseparable from such property-or to dream of restrain Upon the subject of direct bribery to indi-ing him in its exercise, by unjust penalties vidual voters, indeed, we do not think it ne- and impossible regulations. cessary to say any thing. The law, and the feeling of all mankind have marked that practice with reprobation: and even Mr. Windham, in the wantonness of his controversial scepticism, does not pretend to say, that the law or the feeling is erroneous, or that it would not be better that both should, if possible, be made still stronger than they are.

Setting this aside, however, the great practical evils that are supposed to result from the influence of property in the elections of this country, are, 1st, that the representation of certain boroughs is entirely, necessarily and perpetually, at the disposal of certain families, so as to be familiarly considered as a part of their rightful property; and, 2dly, that certain other boroughs are held and managed by corrupt agents and jobbers, for the express purpose of being sold for a price in ready money, either through the intervention of the Treasury, or directly to the candidate. That both these are evils and deformities in our system of representation, we readily admit; though by no means to the same extent, leading to the same effects, or produced by the operation of the same causes.

With regard to the boroughs that are permanently in possession of certain great proprietors, these are, for the most part, such small or decayed places, as have fallen, almost insensibly, under their control, in con

The great evil, however, is in the other de[scription of boroughs-those that are held by agents or jobbers, by a very different tenure from that of great proprietors and benefactors, and are regularly disposed of by them, at every election, for a price paid down, either through the mediation of the ministry, or without any such mediation: a part of this price being notoriously applied by such ager in direct bribes to individual voters-and the remainder taken to themselves as the lawful profits of the transaction. Now, without going into any sort of detail, we think we might st once venture to ask, whether it be possible for any man to shut his eyes upon the individual infamy and the public hazard that are involved in these last-mentioned proceedings, or for one moment to confound them. even in his imagination, with the innocent ad salutary influence that is inseparable from the possession and expenditure of large property? The differ ence between them, is not less than between the influence which youth and manly beauty, aided by acts of generosity and proofs of bonourable intentions may attain over an object of affection, and the control that may be scquired by the arts of a hateful procuress, and by her transferred to an object of natural de gust and aversion. The one is founded upee principles which, if they are not the mest lofty or infallible, are still among the most

amiable that belong to our imperfect nature, by whom the frame of our constitution was and leads to consequences eminently favour- laid; and it is confessedly a perversion and able to the harmony and stability of our social abuse of a system, devised and established institutions; while the other can only be ob- for very opposite purposes. Let any man ask tained by working with the basest instruments himself, whether such a scheme of represen on the basest passions; and tends directly to tation, as is now actually in practice in many sap the foundations of private honour and pub- parts of this country, can be supposed to have lic freedom, and to dissolve the kindly cement been intended by those who laid the foundaby which nature herself has knit society to- tions of our free constitution, or reared upon gether, in the bonds of human sympathy, and them the proud fabric of our liberties? Or mutual trust and dependence. To say that let him ask himself, whether, if we were now both sorts of influence are derived from pro- devising a system of representation for such a perty, and are therefore to be considered as country as England, there is any human being identical, is a sophism scarcely more ingeni- who would recommend the adoption of the ous, than that which would confound the oc- system that is practically established among cupations of the highwayman and the honour- us at this moment,-a system under which able merchant, because the object of both was fifty or sixty members should be returned by gain; or which should assume the philoso- twenty or thirty paltry and beggarly hamlets, phical principle, that all voluntary actions are dignified with the name of boroughs; while dictated by a view to ultimate gratification, in twenty or thirty great and opulent towns had order to prove that there was no distinction no representation; and where upwards of a between vice and virtue; and that the felon, hundred more publicly bought their seats, who was led to execution amidst the execra- partly by a promise of indiscriminate support tions of an indignant multitude, was truly as to the minister, and partly by a sum paid meritorious as the patriot, to whom his grate-down to persons who had no natural influence ful country decreed unenvied honours for its deliverance from tyranny. The truth is, that there is nothing more dangerous than those metaphysical inquiries into the ultimate constituents of merit or delinquency; and that, in every thing that is connected with practice, and especially with public conduct, no wise man will ever employ such an analytical process to counteract the plain intimations of conscience and common sense, unless for the purpose of confounding an antagonist, or perplexing a discussion, to the natural result of which he is unfriendly on other principles.

over the electors, and controlled them notoriously, either by direct bribery, or as the agents of ministerial corruption? If it be clear, however, that such a state of things is in itself indefensible, it is still clearer that it is not the state of things which is required by the true principles of the constitution; that, in point of fact, it neither did nor could exist at the time when that constitution was established; and that its correction would be no innovation on that constitution, but a benefi cial restoration of it, both in principle and in practice.

But if the practices to which we are alluding If some of the main pillars of our mansion be clearly base and unworthy in the eyes of have been thrown down, is it a dangerous inall upright and honourable men, and most novation to rear them up again? If the roof pregnant with public danger in the eyes of has grown too heavy for the building, by reall thinking and intelligent men, it must ap- cent and injudicious superstructures, is it an pear still more strange to find them defended innovation, if we either take them down, or on the score of their Antiquity, than on that strengthen the supports upon which they deof their supposed affinity to practices that are pend? If the waste of time, and the ele held to be innocent. Yet the old cry of Inno- ments, have crumbled away a part of the vation! has been raised, with more than usual foundation, does it show a disregard to the vehemence, against those who offer the most safety of the whole pile, if we widen the basis cautious hints for their correction; and even upon which it rests, and endeavour to place Mr. Windham has not disdained to seek some it upon deeper and firmer materials? If the aid to his argument from a misapplication of rats have eaten a way into the stores and the the sorry commonplaces about the antiquity cellars; or if knavish servants have opened and beauty of our constitution, and the hazard private and unauthorised communications in of meddling at all with that under which we the lower parts of the fabric, does it indeed have so long enjoyed so much glory and hap- indicate a disposition to impair the comfort piness. Of the many good answers that may and security of the abode, that we are anxious be made to all arguments of this character, to stop up those holes, and to build across we shall content ourselves with one, which those new and suspicious approaches?-Is it seems sufficiently conclusive and simple. not obvious, in short, in all such cases, that The abuses, of which we complain, are not eld, but recent; and those who seek to correct them, are not innovating upon the constitution, but seeking to prevent innovation. The practice of jobbing in boroughs was scarcely known at all in the beginning of the last century; and was not systematized, nor carried to any very formidable extent, till within the last forty years. At all events, it most certainly was not in the contemplation of those

the only true innovators are Guilt and Time; and that they who seek to repair what time has wasted; and to restore what guilt has destroyed, are still more unequivocally the enemies of innovation, than of abuse? Those who are most aware of the importance of re form, are also most aware of the hazards of any theoretical or untried change; and, while they strictly confine their efforts to the restitu tion of what all admit to have been in the