the country of the Picts, lying about the Friths of Edinburgh and Dunbritton. At least thus much is certain, that Nennius the British historian saith, that Vortigern king of the Britons, having married the daughter of Hengist one of the Saxon generals, did by his persuasions grant leave to call over a greater number of his countrymen, and to settle themselves in the northern parts of Britain near the wall of the Picts; and that those new colonies arriving, they did after some contest with the Picts settle themselves on the confines of the Picts, on the north side of the frith, having the Britons on the south and the Scots on the north; and here, as that writer saith, they possessed themselves of vast countries, probably part of those countries which are now known by the name of the lowlands of Scotland 2. And the Scottish historians do not deny but such a colony of the Saxons was settled by the consent of the Britons to be a bridle upon the Scots 3. This new colony being thus settled did after some time enter into friendship with the Picts and Scots, and in conjunction with them and the Saxons in Kent turned their arms against the Britons 4. If this account may be relied upon, and we conclude that this people continued their possession till the multitudes which were drawn thence to assist in the conquest of the southern parts of Britain so weakened them that they were conquered by the Scots, we have an easy account to give of the mighty feuds and animosities betwixt the highland and lowland Scots, and see plainly how it came to pass that, whilst the highland Scots retain the Irish tongue, the low 2 ["Occupaverunt plurimas regiones trans mare Fresicum, id est quod inter nos Scottosque est, usque ad confinia Pictorum."] Nennii Hist. Brit. c. 37 coll. Gale p. 107, [c. 38 Monum. Hist. Brit. Vol. I, p. 66. But the readings of the MSS. vary considerably, and Stephenson edits the passage thus: Occupaverunt regiones plurimas ultra mare Frenessicum, usque ad confinium Pictorum." The district here intended cannot be determined without ascertaining what the author meant by "mare Fresicum" 66 or "Frenessicum", or where the gloss, "quod inter nos Scottosque est", was written.] 3 Fordun Scotichron. III, 17. [Fordun here states, that the Saxons, thus summoned by Hengist, were settled in the northern parts of Britain with the consent and aid of the Picts, but in opposition to the Britons and the Scots: 66 conjunctique", he adds, "de cetero Britones et Scoti contra Pictos et Saxones semper pugnaverunt".] 4 Nennius ibid. [But see the last note.] lands speak that of the Saxons. And, if the first seat of the Albion or English Scots be straitened by this settlement, the enlarging of their country by the conquest of the Picts and Saxons, and giving the name of Scots to the Picts and Saxons which they subdued, and of Scotland to the countries of the people they conquered, make a lasting and defensible provision for the honour of that warlike nation; whilst the fond and helpless opinions of some of their writers, by making their history incredible, lessen the honour they pretend to magnify. Nor were the Scots singular in taking up the language of the people they conquered; for, to say nothing of the Romans, this was the case of the Goths, the Franks, and Normans. The Goths and Vandals, who seated themselves in Italy and in Spain, submitted to the language of the people they conquered. The Franks lost their tongue, and took up that of the Gauls. And this was twice the case of the Normans; for in Gaul they lost the language they brought from the North, and in England the language they brought from Gaul. And indeed this ever was and will be the case in conquests, where the body of the people continue the same. But if there be truth in the opinions some learned men of the Scottish nation have run into, that the whole body of that people (now known by the name of Scots) have the same original, and were before the coming of the Saxons possessed of all that country which they now inhabit, and that their neighbourhood and commerce with the English introduced the English tongue into that nation, in the parting with their native tongue to take up that of a neighbouring nation we have such an original of complaisance as is to be found nowhere in the world besides. But, be this matter as it will, what is allowed by the Scottish and Saxon as well as English historians is enough to show, that the Saxons long before the coming of Augustin had entered into a friendship with the Scots and Picts, who were Christians; and it is reasonable to think, that their neighbourhood and friendship with those people could not but give them some knowledge of the Christian religion, and do something towards preparing the way for it. But thus much is evident, that the Picts, notwithstanding this change of affairs, retained the Christian faith; and that their country, and particularly that island which Bede so often mentions under the name of Hy and Hu 5, now Iona, so famous for the monastery erected there by Columba the apostle of the Picts, became the sanctuary and nursery of religion and learning, and not only preserved the Christian faith, but bred abundance of great men, which Bede and all our other historians agree were great instruments in the conversion of the Saxons, as shall be related in its proper place 7. God having thus prepared the way, we are in the next place to review the Roman missions, and the part they had in the conversion of the Saxon people. CHAPTER II. AB ANNO 590 AD ANNUM 601. 1. The time and reason of Gregory's sending Augustin. 2. Augustin was frighted, and went back from France to Rome to beg Gregory's excuse; returns with new letters of commendation to the French king and bishops. 3. Augustin provides interpreters in France, and comes into England. His reception and first successes. 4. Augustin enters Canterbury in procession, settles in Canterbury, and joins with the queen and French bishop, and resorts to the chapel set apart for that princess. By her influence and persuasion he brought over Ethelbert king of Kent to the Christian faith, and by his example many of the people of Kent. His success magnified by Gregory. 5. A difference amongst historians about the time and circumstances of Augustin's success. He is transported with it. 6. Augustin goes into France, and is consecrated bishop. A dispute betwixt Bede and Baronius about the time of his consecration: the ground of that dispute. 7. Augustin sends to Rome to give account of his success, and desires further help. His questions, and the answers of Gregory: the authority that Gregory gave to Augustin over the British church. 8. Mellitus and a new colony of monks sent to Augustin. Gregory reflects on the vanity of Augustin. 9. Instructions of Gregory relating to the pagan temples and their way of worship. The ill consequences of this advice. 10. Gregory's advice to Serenus bishop of Marseilles the same year : it occasions introducing images: the reason of his advice: the mischief thereof to the western church. 5 [Perhaps " "Hu" is a misprint 66 for Hii", which is the name invariably found in Bede.] 6 Bed. ibid. [III, 4 ;] V, 9. 7 [See below, I, iv, 1, 2.] 11. The difference betwixt the conversion of the first Christians and those of the northern nations in the sixth and seventh centuries. The aversion of the Britons to the worship introduced by Augustin: the grounds thereof. 12. A pall sent to Augustin; and a model for the new Saxon church. 13. Gregory gives Augustin power over the British church. Some reflections on the conduct of Gregory. 14. The ground of Gregory's proceeding inquired into the ill success thereof. 1. IN this posture stood the affairs of Britain when Gregory the Great came to the papacy about the year 590, the eighth of the reign of the emperor Mauricius according to Baronius, or the tenth according to the account of Bede1. Though Gregory was not without his faults, yet, if we take his character together, we find such marks of a primitive spirit as very justly merit the veneration of succeeding ages: for, to pass by all other instances, the share he had in the conversion of the Saxons is never to be thought on but with gratitude, nor to be mentioned without honour. It is hard to say when he first formed that design, or the true occasion that gave beginning to it. In one place Bede resolves it into a holy inspiration, in another to a noble pity occasioned by seeing some of the English exposed to sale in the market 2; and in this opinion he is followed by Baronius 3, and, as he observes, by Johannes Diaconus and some other historians. But it seems most probable, that the first motive to this undertaking was the desire of the English to receive the Christian faith, signified to him from Berte queen of Kent. But, whatever the occasion was, Gregory having formed a design to attempt the conversion of the English Saxons, he made choice of Augustin prior of the monastery of St. Mar 1 Bed. Eccles. Hist. I, 23. [Gregory the Great was consecrated pope on the third of September 590. Baronius himself calls this year the fifth of Mauricius. But Pagi shows that his reign began on the 13th of August 582; and that Gregory therefore became pope in the beginning of the ninth year of Mauricius.] 2 Bed. ibid. I, 23; II, 1. [From Gregory's letter to Candidus, then INETT, VOL. I. D recently appointed administrator of 3 [Baron. Annal. an. 595, lxxiii.] 590. 596. 597. tin in Rome for the conduct of it, and together with about forty other monks to be assistant to him sent him towards Britain in the year 596. 2. But Augustin coming to France was so frighted by the character he there received of the English Saxons and the consideration of his being entirely a stranger to their language, that leaving his company in France he returned to Rome, and represented to Gregory the hazard and uncomfortable views of his undertaking, and with much importunity entreated to be excused'. But, having proceeded so far, the wisdom and honour of Gregory were engaged in the prosecution of the attempt; and therefore having quieted or overruled the fears of Augustin, and from the vigours of his own mind lent him new courage, Gregory sent him back to France again with a letter of encouragement to his brethren 2. And, to give new life to the hopes of Augustin, he recommended him by his letters to the kings and queen and several bishops of France, and desired that they would favour him with their best assistances in his undertaking, and more particularly to the bishops of Arles and Vienne3. 3. Augustin having provided himself of interpreters in France sailed this year into Britain; and, having landed in the isle of Thanet, he despatched some of his company to Ethelbert king of Kent, to acquaint him with his coming and of the importance of his errand. Having received this message, the king commanded that he should continue in the isle till further orders, and in the mean time that he should be treated with all gentleness and humanity; and after some time appointed a day to hear his message. And, for that end, together with some of his nobility he went 4 [This is an error. Augustin belonged to the monastery of St. Andrew in Rome, which had been founded by Gregory himself: see Joan. Diac. vit. Gregor. I, 6. Of this monastery Gregory himself too had been a monk, and afterwards abbot; and in his writings he repeatedly calls it "monasterium meum". He speaks of Augustin as "monasterii mei monachum", and again as "monasterii mei præpositum": Gregor. Epist. VIII, 30; IX, Many of Augustin's com 108. panions are thought to have belonged to the same monastery; and it was probably in reference to the house from which they came that the cathedral church of Rochester was dedicated to St. Andrew: Smith on Bed. H. E. II, 3.] 1 Baron. Annal. an. 596, xi. 2 Gregor. Epist. IV, 57; [VI, 51, ed. 1705.] Bed. ibid. I, 23. 3 Baron. ibid. xii. Bed. ibid. I, 24. Gregor. Epist. V, [58, 59, 52, 53,] 54; [VI, 58, 59, 52, 53, 54, ed. 1705.] |