deed, who will voluntarily agree to pay a straw-is an eminent cause of gratulation, liberal per centage upon his income or his both from what it has given, and what it realized property, merely to provide such promises; and peace preserved with Amea public revenue as might justify the aboli- rica is a common and inestimable blessing, tion of all protecting or prohibitory duties. not alone to the two countries immediately Were he screwed up to the pitch of making concerned, but to the whole human race. this sacrifice, in the fruits of which he The finances of the country could not would ultimately share to the full,-he longer afford expensive wars; nor did conwould be entitled to look for a previous sciousness of their justice strengthen us complete revision of the public expenditure, for the combat. In Sir. Robert Peel, we and to demand that retrenchment be carried believe, we shall have a promoter of peace, to the quick in every department of the wherever else he may halt. Another state where the public interests warrant re-ground of gratulation is found in the late trenchment. With our present complica- indications of returning good sense among ted system of taxation, and overwhelming those of the "physical-force" Chartists, necessity for an immense yearly revenue, who, from ignorance, and the instigation of if public faith is to be kept, the change we foolish, if not wicked leaders, were incited have been contemplating looks Quixotical to violate the law, and who thus brought and impossible; as one which nothing short of revolution and a national bankruptcy could introduce. We are not so sure of this. "Impossible is the adjective of fools." A few months back, who would have hoped to hear Mr. Estcott and his brethren exhorting the farmers to rely, not upon "protection," but, like other industrious and independent men, upon their own exertions and skill. This looks almost as great a miracle as converting the whole nation to the principle of direct taxation; a principle only of secondary importance to that of universal direct representation, which must, among other reforms, ensure a second system of raising the public revenue.

down its vengeance upon themselves, while they have brought disgrace and discomfiture upon an honest cause. With how many specious arguments has the conduct of these misled men furnished the opposers of every extension of the franchise; who now scornfully inquire if the plunderers and incendiaries of the late riots, are the sort of men for whom is demanded, as of right, a direct influence in making the laws? The insurrection, for that, it seems, is the imposing though incorrect name given to the late riots, has certainly no necessary connection with the claim of the unrepresented for the Suffrage but when some of the Chartists even boast that this was a We do not wish to take a desponding Chartist movement, and not a strike for view of the state and prospects of public af- wages, many among the middle classes, fairs. The country has probably seen, for who were previously favorable to the es the present, the worst of its evil days,-if sentials of the six points, began to doubt if not yet the end of them; for now their the claimants yet possess that common complicated causes and the remedies begin sense qualification which alone can make to be generally understood; and though we the franchise in their hands safe to others, dare not be so sanguine as to anticipate a or useful to themselves. We, who consispeedy and effectual cure, we may confi- der the extended suffrage an element of dently look forward to a gradual ameliora- safety to the body politic, as well as the tion of the more distressing symptoms, so right of the unrepresented, disclaim such soon as the trade in food is unfettered. apprehensions; without, however, being Skill, enterprise, capital untold, anxiously able, in the face of the alarming facts waiting to be employed in setting busy which countenance contrary opinions, to hands in motion, are still ours, and only re- persuade our friends that their fears are quire free channels through which they fallacious. But one cause of unmingled may flow, to bring back the ease, content, satisfaction is the growing good sense, and and prosperity which it is, at the eleventh frank good humor displayed of late by the hour, discovered will not always wait even farmers and a few of the landed gentlemen ; upon that protected class to which all the whom one is disposed to rejoice over like others have been sacrificed.- -Instead of the woman over her lost talent; to find indulging in gloom, we would rather dwell which caused her more joy than the possesupon the blessings which chequer the bitter sion of all the rest of her treasure. The adversity of the hour. Peace in the East advocates of the Total Repeal of the Taxes and in China-to the news of which the on the People's Food, the LEAGUE-now desponding heart of the weighed-down na-"prosperous gentlemen," we already had; tion leapt, as a drowning man clutches at a the Complete Suffragists we had, and highly

were both to be esteemed and valued; but here is a new and almost unhoped-for accession of potent auxiliaries, who make a wise and generous surrender, instead of protracting a weak and exasperated hostility. If any part of this change is owing to Sir Robert Peel's delusions, all praise to him! He is gaining to himself in the farmers a phalanx of supporters in every useful commercial reform that he may project; for the agriculturists, if stripped of their own privileges, will have little indulgence for the monopolies and protecting duties of the other favored interests.

was said to generate a certain self-conceit, unknown and foreign to the rest of the Ger mans. Nevertheless we find both developed to a very satisfactory pitch among the honest burghers of Hamburg, and in the clime of fat and cloudy Holstein. Of Heine it might be said, that the air of Paris had given sharpness to his wit, and half Frenchified the German. But here is another Hamburger, Gutzkow, a German all over, as utterly uninoculated with the ideas as with the language of France, and yet he is as lively as a Frenchman of the last century, petulant as a child, and impertinent as Paul In the meanwhile, and until the hour of Pry: that is, if Paul Pry were to publish distress is past, or its worst ills mitigated, memoirs and tours. Herr Gutzkow enters never at any former epoch in the history of every celebrated house in the French methe country were consideration, and kind-tropolis, at least those owned by men eminess, and bountifulness to the extreme suf- nent in either politics or literature. And he ferers, the unemployed, so much demanded sets forth to the public the entire conversa. as they are now, and must be for months to tion, manner, personal appearance, and habcome. In relation to this we rejoice to its, of every one of his receivers or his see that a Poor Law for Scotland is at last hosts. However reprehensible this, we are under the consideration of the government, yet perhaps wrong to style it as impertiand that preliminary steps are immediately nence in Gutzkow, who with all his wit is to be taken. This is a subject on which simple as a child, and tells all he saw and Sir Robert Peel is as well entitled to de- heard as innocently and naturally, as if it mand the support of the Liberals as in those was a thing of course. And so perhaps it commercial reforms which are expected from him; and we make no doubt that he will obtain it from the country at large, if not from the whole landed class of the North. But before any Poor Law can come into operation, years must elapse, and the prevailing misery is extreme: an extraordinary crisis must be met by an extraordinary effort.

LETTERS FROM PARIS.

From the Foreign Quarterly.

Briefe aus Paris. Von KARL GUTZKOW. (Letters from Paris. By CHARLES GUTZKOW.) Leipzig. 1842.

was. Parisian eminencies are very apt to poser, or give sittings, to curious strangers, in order to allow the daguerreotypist or the moral portrait-painter to carry off what he can, and make the most of it. Gutzkow seems to have felt this. For he avows that amidst all the persons he saw and talked with, he penetrated to but one family circle during his residence in Paris.

It is not, however, a six weeks' tourist, no matter what his sagacity or his country, who can give fitting portraiture of the men holding first rank in France. It is necessary to have seen them in past and in present, and to have observed them in the very dif ferent positions into which the fortune of a few years has flung them.

In order to depict M. Guizot, for example, we must have seen, twenty, nay thirty WE must have made some mistake in our years ago, the ardent young constitutionalold estimation of the Germans, finding them ist, full of that protestant hatred for Napoas we do so much the reverse of all previous leon's regime, so universally felt in his naconception. The two qualities which we tive town of Nismes; a feeling which nearshould have least thought of attributing to ly caused Napoleon himself to be stoned at them, are certainly vivacity and imperti- Orgon on his journey to Elba. Ten years nence. Yet never did we see these devel- later, the same person should have remarkoped to a greater degree than in the writings ed Guizot in the historical professor's chair of recent German travellers, critics, and of the Sorbonne, attended not by a numer. controversial writers. Prince Puckler Mus-ous but by a most attached band of hearers, kaw was a personification of both. But the to whom he expounded the mysteries of prince, we learned, was doubly an exception: English history. We recollect him well. first, as a prince and a scapegrace; second- It was not yet the period of the historic maly, as a Prussian. For the air of the Spree nia, when Guizot grew more popular. At

that time, in 1822, Cousin's vague philoso- this, he withdrew from politics-indeed his phy and Villemain's shallow criticism drew protestantism became itself a bar to his adcrowds to their lectures, muddy-thoughted vancement-and took refuge in his profesas were the one, empty-thoughted the other, whilst the really solid and useful information offered by Guizot was comparatively neglected. But the man was not be put down either as man of letters or statesman. He and his wife set to work, each writing a score of books in a twelvemonth: and thus he kept his name fixed before the public eye for years. Perseverance, and an imperturbable determination to occupy first place, have been and are the first characteristics of M. Guizot : & desire, not compounded of a wish for wealth or luxury, or the adjuncts of eminence; but a love of eminence for itself, for its activity, for its satisfying the cravings of a spirit, purely and naturally

ambitious.

Our first glance at Guizot was when in his home at Nismes, under a mother's brow: a mother, too, who had lost her husband on a revolutionary scaffold. That must have been a grave, a solemn, a religious home; whose gayest pastime was severe study; whose every feeling partook somewhat of the depth of devotion.

sorial chair. By this he raised himself to an eminence more certain and less dangerous than that which the Chamber of Deputies bestowed in those days. The ecclesiastical minister of public instruction now stopped his lectures; on which Guizot joined the writing of political pamphlets to the graver task of historic editing. Attached to the party of the Doctrinaires, to that of Royer Collard and Camille Jordan, Guizot rose with his party, and with it was on the point of coming into power and place under M. de Martignac, when Charles the Tenth madly threw himself, in horror of a moderate ministry, into the arms of Polignac, and with Polignac into exile. The day after the revolution, Guizot was minister.

What a cabinet was that! It was composed of thirteen or fourteen persons, not one of whom had ever acted with the other, and all, most opposed in habits, temper, and political ideas. Imagine Count Molé and M. Lafitte, Dupont de l'Eure and the Duc de Broglie sitting together in council! Lafitte and Dupont talked as if they were in a conciliabule of opposition, and the Duc de Broglie politely told them that they had no idea of how a government was to be carried

About a day's journey from Nismes, in the same region of ardent and eloquent spirits, a youth ten years younger than Guizot was at school. Even at that time the strong-on. All were in a panic, Louis Philippe. est antagonism, though unknown one to the himself included. But each had his own other, existed between the feelings of both. object of terror, and each set about comYoung Guizot's ideas were those of protes- bating his phantom, caring little for his tant and constitutional liberalism, such as neighbors. Louis Philippe and M. Guizot the Feuillans had preached and fallen with agreed in dreading the powers and potenin the great revolution. Theirs was bred in tates of Europe, from whom they expected quite another school. Like the majority of an immediate onslaught: but each prepared his college, he was liberal in a revolutiona- for resistance in his own way. Louis Phiry and Napoleonite sense; that is, more ur- lippe took an honest and respected legitigent on the transformation of France from mist, the Duc de Mortemart; bamboozled monarchism and aristocracy to pure democ-him by saying, that he would merely keep racy, than caring either how this was to be the throne warm for the Duke of Bourdeaux; effected, or what was to be the result. Each and sent him to deliver this message to the rose with the tide that suited him: Guizot Czar of Russia in order to keep him quiet. with that of 1814 and 1815, Thiers with the This tremendous lie had its effect; but nei swell which preceded and produced 1830. ther the Duc de Mortemart, nor the Czar of Guizot, a young universitarian, was placed by Russia ever forgave Louis Philippe. M. the Abbé de Montesqueoir in the office of the Guizot, on his part, thought the best mode French Chancellerie, or Ministry of Justice, of resistance was to excite revolution. He in which he must have seen and done dirty gathered together the emigrant Spaniards, work, such as the preparation of categories of gave them money, directions, and ordered exile and proscription, and edicts of censor- Mina into Spain. Similar manœuvres were ship. Yet a liberal might have thought these put in practice on the side of Belgium. M. necessary, against the scum of imperialists Guizot during this was minister of public and jacobins united. Whatever M. Guizot instruction; Count Molé was the foreign thought, however, his employers intended minister. But when Molé saw that the the despotic reaction not merely against ul-king, and M. Guizot, and M. de Talleyrand, tra-liberals, but against the whole class even and ten others, were more foreign minister of constitutionalists. When Guizot saw than himself, he resigned.

There was at that time a man in much greater estimation than either Guizot or Thiers, although, like Thiers, he had not yet reached the Chamber of Deputies. This was Odillon Barrot. If Thiers and Guizot are men of the south, small in stature and in form, bright of eye, mercurial and quick, Odillon Barrot is a true son of the north, fair, full, and florid, with an eye that might

Had Gutzkow visited Paris then, in 1830, cal organ. During the revolution the Globe he would have seen her heroes in new expired: the boat of the Doctrinaires could lights: not standing in composed or grace- not live in such a sea. The National lived ful attitudes for his portraiture, but making, on, and mainly aided the carrying through most of them, very uncouth struggles for of the revolution. Thiers became Under political pre-eminence. Gutzkow might at Secretary of State. that time, on any evening of the week, have presented himself in the antechamber of the Palais Royal or the Tuileries, had himself announced, and have joined the royal and ministerial circle (in which all Paris joined) without difficulty or impediment. M. Guizot he might have found at the office of public instruction, then in the Rue des Saints Pères, in close confabulation with conspirators, such as Mina and Toreno, and as well be out of the head as in it, for all the as anxious to revolutionize his neighbors, as he is now to pacify them. Then was the Duchess of Broglie's the great rendezvous of the Doctrinaires. The Duke himself, small, orderly, and amiable gentleman as he was, was still excited by the revolutionary a potato face, with far more of the Irishman movement. And no one will ever forget the memorable scene, which occurred some months later, in which the little duke, obstinate and choleric, fairly bullied Louis Philippe into a recognition of Isabella of Spain, and packed off Mignet to Madrid with it, as soon as he had wrung it from the king. Cousin, Remusat, Count St. Aulaire, and all the Globists, were the great men of the Duc de Broglie's circle: Cousin, an excellent talker, and one who, extravagant all his life, chose at that moment to be original, by preserving calmness and common sense when every one else was getting rid of them. But this was the Aristocracy of the revolution.

expression it gives. His character suited his physique, being slow, pompous, inflated, soft, and wavering, but honest of purpose, and frank in expression. Barrot's face does not belie the O that begins his name. It is

than the Frenchman. But it is the Irishman tamed down to the Frenchman, with but a small portion of that mingled imprudence and humor, which form the Irish character. M. Barrot had another Irish quality, that of getting up a row, as July testified. Unfortunately, after the row had become a revolution, he became Prefect of the Seine, and he was quite unskilled in putting down or calming a row. When Barrot was Prefect, the Archbishop's palace was plundered, and St. Germain l'Auxerrois, the parish church of the Louvre, gutted by the mob. The new King of the French thought this to be too débonnaire on the part of a Prefect, and he dismissed Monsieur Barrot. Thus Barrot Thiers belonged to quite another group. had put himself, or allowed himself to be For many years the little man had been, as put, the day after the revolution, in a post is said, "pulling his Satanic Majesty by the where he came in contact with a mob, and tail," and clinging to such poor creatures in which he was at once called upon to tolas Etienne and Felix Bodin for employment erate or to repress its violence: a dangerand patronage. His History, however, and ous alternative. Thiers laughed at Barrot's some financial pamphlets written for Lafitte, simplicity, and declaring that he would have had raised his head above water. And nothing to do with politics for the present, some folks, jealous of the exclusive pedan- ensconced himself in the figures and actry of the Doctrinaires, enabled Thiers, counts of the Under Secretaryship of Fi with Mignet and Carrel, to set up the Na-nance.

tional. Here was another scene, wherein A better contrast to Barrot than either Thiers ought to have been visited. Fussy, Thiers or Guizot, is M. Berryer, an atrabibreathless, despotic, no one could have had lious, black-muzzled personage, with a sinto do with a more uncomfortable editor ister likeness to Mr. John Wilson Croker; than Thiers. As to Mignet, he made no but a gay, jovial, round-stomached fellow, resistance, took the articles to do that were with a pate as bald as Barrot. We can fangiven him, and was more devoted to keep-cy to ourselves both of them singing in a ing his hair in curl-papers, than to becom- monastic choir, with good bass voices, ing First Consul. Carrel alone bullied both doing honor to the vocal and physical Thiers from time to time. And yet three abler men, nor more united, never perhaps 'presided over the editing of a great politi

powers of the fraternity. But Barrot's voice is like the sound emitted by the wooden horn of the mountain cantons, whilst

Berryer's has the sharpness and force of In a word, Thiers is the most wonderful the bugle. Berryer is considered the most man in Europe. powerful actor, but there is no sincerity in his tone as there is in Barrot's. Even Berryer's warmth is factitious; it is that of the lawyer or the trading politician. Whereas Barrot's, though full of pretension, is honest, and if his eloquence does not proceed from the heart, it has at least a great deal to do with the conscience.