DEATH OF SERGEANT TUPPER. munication and the apparel were publicly EFFECT OF CORNWALLIS' SURRENDER. the Americans, which was doubtless unfounded, they thought it inexpedient to publish the proposed proclamation till doubts with regard to the ability of the more favorable news should remove all British to sustain Vermont in the measures which she should adopt. Letters were immediately written by General Enos and Colonels Fletcher and Walbridge, and forwarded by express to Governor Chittenden at Charlestown. The bearer, Mr. Hathaway, not being in tion was delivered at Ticonderoga, an exAbout an hour after this communicathe secret of the negotiation with the press arrived there from the south, with British, proclaimed the extraordinary the news of the capture of Cornwallis and message of General St. Leger in the his whole army, and before night the Britstreets of Charlestown, in consequence ish embarked all their troops and stores, of which the people followed him in and returned to Canada. Thus were the crowds to the governor's apartment to negotiators in Vermont relieved from their hear the news. In the room with the embarrassment and danger, which would governor were several persons, some of have been much increased by the publiwhom were in the secret, and some who cation of the proposed proclamation; and were eager after information that they thus was terminated the campaign of 1781, might make an ill use of it. On opening in which a few sagacious and daring inthe letters, they were found, besides an- dividuals, secured, by their negotiations nouncing the arrival of Gen. St. Leger, and management, the extensive frontier to contain information respecting the ne- of Vermont, which was exposed to an gotiation which it was not deemed pru-army of ten thousand of the enemy. dent to make public. While these letters were passing round among those who were in the secret, Maj. Runnels entered the room and demanded of Colonel Ira Allen why Gen. St. Leger should be sorry Tupper was killed. Allen said he could not tell. Runnels repeated the question; and Allen replied that good men were sorry when good men were killed, which might be the case with St. Leger. This answer enraged Runnels, and he again loudly demanded what reasons could possibly induce a British general to be sorry when his enemy was killed, and to send his clothes to the wid Ow. Colonel Allen then requested Major Runnels to go to his regiment, and, at the head of that, demand of St. Leger the reasons of his sorrows; and not stay there, asking impertinent questions and eating up the country's provisions, when the frontiers were invaded. Some high words followed between them, which called the attention of those present from the letters, and Runnels soon after left the room. The governor then convened the board of war, all of whom were in the secret, and Hathaway was left to detail the news to the populace. New letters were then made out from those received, in which every thing relating to the negotiation and armistice was suppressed. were substituted for the originals, and were These publicly read before the council and assembly for the satisfaction of the people. In the mean time Col. Allen and Major Fay wrote to the British agents that matters were going on favorably to their designs, but as a report prevailed that Cornwallis and his army had surrendered to Canada were extremely anxious to ascerIn the winter of 1782, the British in tain how the people of Vermont were affected by the capture of Cornwallis. Their agents wrote, on the 28th of February, and again on the 22d of April, in the most pressing terms for information, and stating that the commander-in-chief had full powers to confirm every article which had been agreed upon at a former interview for the establishment of Vermont as a royal government. Impatient at not receiving an answer, they wrote again on the 30th of April, making new offers and promises, and designating several individuals in Vermont for whom his excellency was authorized and disposed to provide in the distribution of the royal favors, and in several cases assured them what commissions they should receive.* sent to Canada with a letter from GovIn July, Colonel Ira Allen was again ernor Chittenden to General Haldimand, requesting the release of two officers, belonging to Vermont, who were then prisoners in the hands of the British. The British agents thought this a favorable opportunity for bringing the negotiations with Vermont to a decision, and used every art to persuade Vermont immediately to declare herself a British province. Vermont for delaying it, and to prevent Allen employed every argument to justify the renewal of hostilities. was finally prevailed upon to continue the Haldimand armistice, and to liberate the prisoners above mentioned. He then wrote to Governor Chittenden, announcing his pacifie * See Slade's State Papers, p. 155. TERMINATION OF THE WAR. disposition towards Vermont in the most unequivocal terms, and requesting the people of Vermont, without apprehension, to encourage and promote the settlement and cultivation of the country for the interest and happiness of themselves and their posterity. VINDICATION OF VERMONT. SECTION VII. Indian depredations upon the settlements in Vermont. Having now completed our account of the civil policy of Vermont during the war for independence, excepting such parts as relate particularly to the admission of Vermont into the federal union, and which are referred to the next chapter, we shall here give a brief account of the depredations of the Indians upon our settlements, and notice some other things which have been omitted in the preceding narrative. Previous to the conquest of Canada, in 1760, the French and English nations were engaged in almost perpetual war, and in these wars their colonies and With this year terminated the war of the revolution, leaving favorable impressions on the minds of the British towards Vermont. Of the beneficial effects of the policy pursued, to Vermont and to the union, there can be no doubt, but of the propriety of this course there may be some question. On the part of the British, the negotiation consisted in repeated endeavors to persuade the leading men in Vermont to abandon the American cause and declare the state a British province. To these, the leaders in Vermont returned evasive and ambiguous answers, calculated, indeed, to keep alive the hopes of the British, but not intended to pledge the government of Vermont. The leading men in Vermont were known to be as firm friends of American independence, as any individuals on the conti-powerful British army for a period of about three nent; but, abandoned as Vermont was by Congress, and exposed to the overwhelming force of the enemy, no other means of security remained but that artful policy, which we have just described; and which kept a powerful British army inactive on the northern frontier of the union during three successive campaigns.* But it is perfectly obvions that they had no idea of with the British authorities in Canada, were undersubmitting to either, and that their negotiations taken for the express purpose of preventing the occurrence of such a disaster, and whether correct or not, they always justified themselves in these proceedings, on the ground of self-preservation. That these negotiations served, not only to protect Vermont, but the United States, from invasion by a years, is undoubted; and it is, perhaps, equally certain that, by concealing the true object of these negotiations from the people of the United States, New York was prevented from pressing her claims Congress from lending its aid to enforce those at that period to the territory of Vermont, and claims, lest they should promote, what they already feared might be, a growing disaffection to which these transactions had led them to fear, the American cause, and thus hasten the event, namely, the return of Vermont to her allegiance to Great Britain. yet become a British province, while they themselves entertained no such thought, except as a dernier resort to save themselves from the clutches of New York. *It has been asserted, and has perhaps to some The continuance of the correspondence and neextent been believed, that a number of the leading gotiations between the leading men in Vermont and men in Vermont, had, for several years previous to the British authorities, after the close of the war, the settlement of the controversy with New York, has been adduced as proof that Vermont was debeen dissatisfied with the principles of American desirous of becoming a British province. That liberty, and were desirous of coming again under such a correspondence was kept up till near the the dominion of Great Britain; and there have been time of the admission of Vermont into the Union, writers in a certain quarter, who have been ready to there can be little doubt; nor is it less doubtful lend their aid in keeping such an opinion afloat. that the leading men in Vermont were very willing Of this class is the recent Biographer of the Indian that the British authorities should deceive themchieftain, Brant. He has taken much pains to trav-selves with the expectation that Vermont might el out of his way in order to meddle with the characters of those men, who were formerly so great a terror and annoyance to the New York land speculators, and has artfully endeavored to revive, and leave upon the minds of his readers, au impression When the treaty of peace had relieved the unfavorable to their reputation for patriotism; thus United States from her foreign enemies, it was semisrepresenting some of the most indomitable ene- riously apprehended that her arms might be employmies of oppression and tyranny and the most ardented in enforcing the claims of New York to the terand active friends of rational liberty, which this, or ritory of Vermont. In that case Vermont resolved any other country has produced. But it is utterly to spare no efforts for an effectual resistance, and impossible that any unprejudiced person, who is she felt it to be of the utmost importance to her to acquainted with the character of these men, and secure the friendship of the British authorities in with our early history, should for a single moment Canada, that through their connivance, arms and doubt their patriotism, or entertain the thought other supplies might be obtained through the merthat either Ethan or Ira Allen, or Thomas Chitten- chants of Montreal and Quebec. This corresponden, or either of the Fays or Robinsons, or indeed dence was, therefore, only a continuance of that any of the leading men in Vermont, previous to her game which had been so successfully played during admission into the Union, ever seriously contem- the last three years of the war, and it was usually plated a return to their allegiance to Great Britain. spoken of, by the persons engaged in it in Vermout, As a choice of two evils, there is no doubt that they as the Haldimand policy. This correspondence, would sooner have submitted to Great Britain than however, embraced other objects, one of which was to New York, and this they openly declared, because the construction of a canal along the Richelieu they regarded the latter as the greater tyrant, and from lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence, which a tyrant in America, where the principles of liberty should open a water communication between Verwere so generally diffused, was to them as hateful mont and the ocean, over which neither New York and even more detestable, than a tyrant in Europe. nor the United States could have any control. BRIDGEMAN'S FORT. CAPT. MELVIN. MILITARY ROADS. Indian allies were always involved. Dur-captivity. Most of them, however, wer ing their continuance, the frontier Eng-afterwards redeemed and returned to their lish settlements were frequently broken friends. up, and the inhabitants either massacred In 1756, as Captain Melvin, at the head or carried into captivity. Some account of about 20 men, was marching through of these transactions in the vicinity of the wilderness from Charlestown, New Vermont has already been given in the Hampshire, to Hoosic fort, and when in first chapter. But as very few settlements the southerly part of Newfane, which was were made within our limits while Cana- then uninhabited, he was fired upon by a da was in possession of the French, the large party of Indians, who were lying in first settlers of Vermont suffered less from ambush. A severe conflict ensued, in the incursions of the Indians than those which both parties suffered considerably of some of the other states. in killed and wounded. Melvin's party was at length overpowered by numbers, and was obliged to leave the field in possession of the enemy. Melvin and several of his number made their escape and arrived safely at fort Dummer. The next day he returned to the battle ground with a party from fort Dummer. The Indians were not to be found, but the bodies of those who were slain were collected and buried. We have already mentioned that the inhabitants of Vernon were attacked and several of them slain by the Indians, in 1746, and that Bridgeman's fort was taken and destroyed by them the next year. This place again received a hostile visit in 1755. On the 27th of July, of this year, Caleb Howe, Hilkiah Grout, and Benjamin Gaffield were way-laid and fired upon by a party of Indians, as they were returning from their labor in the field. Howe was killed, Gaffield was drowned in attempting to ford the river, and Grout escaped unhurt. The Indians then proceeded to Bridgeman's fort, which had been rebuilt, where they made prisoners of the families of these three men, consisting of their wives and eleven children, being all the persons in the fort. These were all carried to Canada, where they were doomed to suffer a long and cruel *This fort is now standing in Vernon. This fort and others so often mentioned in the accounts of the Indian wars, were properly block-houses. They were constructed of large squared timber locked together at the corners in the manner of a common log cabin, and covered with a roof, with port-holes for firing upon the assailants. They served only as protection against musketry. At the time of the American Revolution the number of Indians residing in the vicinity of Vermont was greatly diminished; and as the Americans, at the commencement of that struggle, got possession of the military posts along lake Champlain, these few had, for a while, no opportunity to molest our settlements. But when the American army retreated from Canada in 1776, and the British had secured to themselves the command of lake Champlain, our western borders were wholly at the mercy of the enemy, and continued so during the remainder of the war. All the settlements in the vicinity of the lake were broken up, and the settlers retired with their families to the southward. The frontier military posts were at Castleton and Pittsford, on the west side of the mountains, and at Barnard, Corinth, Newbury, and Peacham, on the east side. During the last French war, a military road had been opened from Charlestown to Crown Point, which was now very beneficial to the Americans, and early in the spring of 1776, General Bailey was ordered to open a road from Newbury, through the wilderness, to St. Johns, for the purpose of facilitating the conveyance of troops and provisions into Canada. He had opened the road six miles above Peacham, when the news arrived that our army had retreated from Canada, and the undertaking was abandoned. But in 1779, Gen. Hazen was ordered to Peacham with part of a regiment, for the purpose, as was said, of completing the road begun by Bailey, so that an army might be sent through, for the reduction of Canada. But this was probably only a feint for dividing the enemy and preventing EXPEDITION AGAINST NEWBURY. BURNING OF ROYALTON. them from sending their whole force up menced their depredations at the house of the lake. Hazen, however, continued Mr. John Hutchinson, who lived near the the road 50 miles above Peacham, through the towns of Cabot, Walden, Hardwick, Greensborough, Craftsbury, Albany, and Lowell, and erected block houses at several places along the route. This was a great convenience to the settlers who came into these parts after the war, and is known at this day as the "Hazen Road." It terminated near a remarkable notch in the mountain in Westfield, and which has since been called Hazen's Notch. line between Tunbridge and Royalton. After making Mr. Hutchinson and his brother Abijah prisoners, they proceeded to the house of Mr. Robert Havens, where. they killed Thomas Pember and Elias Button. They then went to the house of Joseph Kneeland, took him and his father, and Simeon Belknap, Giles Gibbs and Jonathan Brown. Proceeding thence to the house of Mr. Elias Curtis, they made him and John Kent and Peter Mason prisoners. During the continuance of the war, the frontier towns were frequently alarmed Thus far the business was conducted by the appearance of Indian scouting par- with the greatest silence, and the prisonties in their neighborhood, but the inhab-ers were forbid making any outery upon itants were seldom molested. Their dwellings were, however, occasionally plundered, and sometimes men were taken prisoners, and a few, at different times, were killed, but the women and children were not usually injured, and never massacred as in former wars. In 1777, the Indians killed two men in Brandon, took several of the inhabitants prisoners, and burnt their dwellings. On the 9th of August, 1780, they took three men in Barnard, whom they carried to Canada;* and in October of the same year, they made a successful expedition against Royalton, a thriving settlement on White river, which then consisted of about 300 inhabitants. This expedition was designed against Newbury, on Connecticut river, for the object, as was supposed, of capturing a Lieutenant Whitcomb, who in July, 1776, while on a scout, had wantonly shot General Gordon, a British officer, between Chambly and St. Johns, and robbed him of his watch and sword. The British deeply resented this attack as unworthy of an officer, and were desirous of getting Whitcomb into their power. The party, consisting of about 300 men, mostly Indians, was commanded by one Horton, a British lieutenant. While proceeding up Winooski river, they fell in with several hunters, by whom they were told that the people of Newbury were expecting an attack, and were well prepared for defence. This information induced them to turn their attention towards Royalton. pain of death. They at length arrived at the mouth of the branch, where they made a stand, while small parties proceeded in different directions to plunder the dwellings and bring in prisoners. By this time the alarm had become general, the inhabitants were flying for safety in every direction, and the savages filled the air with their horrid yells. One party extended its ravages down the river into Sharon, took two prisoners and burnt several houses and barns. Another party proceeded up the river, made prisoner of David Waller, a young lad who lived with General Stevens, plundered and set fire to the General's house, and advanced in that direction about three miles, killing the cattle and plundering and setting fire to the buildings as they passed. After completing their work of destruction, they returned with their booty to the place where they commenced their attack in the morning. From this place they proceeded across the hill to Randolph, where they encamped for the night on the second branch of White river. In the course of the day they had killed two persons, taken 25 prisoners, burnt upwards of 20 houses, and about the same number of barns, and killed about 150 head of cattle, and all the sheep and hogs that fell in their way; having suffered no loss themselves, and scarcely met with any opposition. Surprised, affrighted and scattered from one another, the inhabitants could take no steps for their defence; the alarm, however, soon spread, and a They accordingly proceeded up Ste- number of men immediately marched from vens' and jail branch, and down the first Connecticut river,and the adjacent towns. branch of White river, to Tunbridge, By evening they amounted to several hunwhere they lay in their encampment dur-dreds, and were collected at the place ing the Sabbath, and on Monday morning, it being the 16th of October, they com where the attack was first commenced. Here they organized themselves, and chose for their commander a captain John Some further account of these, and other similar House, who had served several campaigns transactions, will be found in part third, in the ac-in the continental army. counts of Barnard, Brandon, Bridport, and other towns. Early in the evening, House began his PURSUIT OF THE INDIANS. INTERESTING INCIDENTS. march with this undisciplined but brave | awakened by the rushing in of the sav corps, in pursuit of the savages, who were ages, were so much frightened that they at this time encamped seven or eight lost the use of their reason, went out of miles ahead. The night was dark and he their doors naked, and stood motionless was guided amidst the logs, rocks and till the Indians brought them their clothes. hills with which the wilderness abounded This act of kindness restored their senses; only by a few marked trees. When they they put on their clothes, collected the supposed themselves near the Indians, children and fled to the woods, while the they proceeded with caution, but as they savages were engaged in plundering the were passing over a stream which was house. At another place one of the wocrossed upon a large log they were fired men had the boldness to reproach the Inupon by the enemy's rear guard, which dians for distressing helpless women and had been posted behind some trees near children, telling them that if they had the place, and one man was wounded. the spirit and souls of warriors, they House's party returned the fire, killed would cross the river and go and fight the one Indian and wounded two others. The men at the fort. The Indians bore her guard then retreated to the Indian camp, remarks patiently, and only replied, squaw and House advanced within about 300 shouldn't say too much. At another place yards of the same, where he waited till a woman having her gown carried out of day light without commencing an attack. the house with other plunder, resolved to Fatigued by the business of the prece-recover it. Seeing it in a heap of pillage ding day, and now suddenly awakened from profound sleep, the savages were at first filled with consternation and thrown into the utmost disorder. They, however, soon recovered from their fright, and were not long in concerting measures for their own safety. They sent out an aged pris-more plunder, seized and brought off her oner to inform the Americans that, if they proceeded to make an attack, they should immediately put all the prisoners to death. The proceedings thus far had caused two to be put to death; one to retaliate the death of the Indian, who had been slain, and the other for refusing to march, in the expectation that the Americans would relieve them. These were tomahawked as they lay bound upon the ground. Having placed their warriors in the rear to cover their retreat, they silently left their encampment, proceeded to Randolph, where they took one prisoner, passed through the west part of Brookfield, and, by the way of Winooski river and lake Champlain, to Montreal. which the savages were dividing among themselves at the door, she seized it; upon which one of the Indians clubbed his gun and knocked her down. Not discouraged, she patiently awaited an opportunity when the savages were collecting gown, having at the same time one child in her arms and leading another by the hand. Another woman having her young son taken away with other little boys, followed the Indians with her other children, and entreated them to give him up, which they did. Encouraged by this success, she then interceded for others, and finally prevailed upon them to give up 12 or 15 of her neighbor's children. One of the Indians then in a fit of good humor offered to carry her over the river npon his back. She accepted his proposal, and her savage gallant carried her safely over, though the water was up to his middle, and she soon returned with her little band of boys, to the no small surprise and joy of their parents. House and his men were waiting for the dawn of day and deliberating upon A few days after the burning of Royalthe message brought them by the prison- ton there was one of the most extensive er, till the Indians had departed and were alarms in the county of Windham, expefar beyond their reach. They, however, rienced in Vermont during the war; but followed upon their trail as far as Brook-it proved to be wholly groundless. It field and then returned, having lost the opportunity of attacking the enemy by their caution and delay. On their way to Canada, the prisoners were well treated, and with respect to provisions fared as well as their masters. Of the twenty-six who were carried away, one died in captivity, and the rest were liberated the next summer and returned to their friends. happened, that as several men were surveying lands in Brookline, some of them undertook to imitate the Indian warwhoop. In this they succeeded to admiration, and were heard by the inhabitants of Athens, who, supposing them to be real Indians, took fright, fled, and rapidly spread the alarm through the neighboring towns. Immediately all was terror and During the attack upon Royalton, there confusion. To their bewildered imaginawere several occurrences which are wor- tions every noise became the yell of the thy of notice. In one of the houses first savage, and every rock and every tree of attacked, two women, being suddenly the forest a lurking place for the cruel |