or canals, or to trustees of roads, or to any persons engaged in public works now in progress, or about to undertake them. The associations for the encouragement of the fisheries would likewise be a very proper institution to receive aid. In Ireland it would not be practicable to nominate a similar commission without such a delay as would defeat the purpose of the grant. It would be necessary to enter into a correspondence with that country to know what gentleman would undertake a duty which would entail some trouble without any prospect of reward. To avoid that delay, the sum appropriated to that country would be placed at the disposal of the lord-lieutenant. With respect to advances on the security of the poor-rates, he had never thought that any thing could be done towards the relief of the agricultural population by the loan of any such sum as he then proposed to advance. He was also afraid that loans to the agricultural districts in aid of the poorrates, would encourage the practice of curtailing the fair wages of labour, and supplying the deficiency from such a source. When the bill came before the House tire would be found clauses which would guard against such an idea. The advance to be granted to parishes was never to exced the half of the last year's rate, and no advance was to be made to any parish except where the rate was double the average of the two preceding years. Speaking of the particular distresses of Birmingham, he attributed a considerable part of it to the falling off of the supply of small arms for the use of the allies, which amounted to no less than three millions during the war. That the general demand of goods for the foreign trade had not suffered in an equal proportion, he concluded from the official value of the exports of steel and iron from the year 1814. From the persons best acquainted with the trade of the country, he thought that a loan of 30 or 40,000l. to the manfacturers of Birmingham would be of material service in the present exigence. The right hon. gentleman concluded with proposing his first resolution. Several members found it necessary to desire explanations from the Chancellor of the Exchequer respecting different subjects; whilst others were very doubtful whether any good would be the result of his project. The resolution was, however, put and carried; as was also the second concerning Ireland. On the 14th of May, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to move the order of the day, that the House would resolve itself into a committee, to take into consideration the bill for the Employment of the Poor. He said he had introduced a considerable number of amendments into the bill, which he thought would remove some of the objections raised to it. He would not at present enter into the merits of these amendments, as a better opportunity would hereafter occur. Some additional observations were made upon the bill; after which the report was brought up, and a day was appointed for a farther consideration. On the 21st of May, on the motion for recommitting this bill, Varanus objections were made to ats principle, which were replied t.. by its friends. The House then went into a committee, and a &ultury conversation took place va its several clauses. The bill -rwards passed. In the House of Lords it was cured by the Earl of Liverwho briefly stated its objects, June 10th. The Earl of Laue spoke against it, but no Craon being proposed, the bill .. read a third time, and passed. It is observable, that when the £-st mention was made of an in~~n of introducing such a bill, is the Chancellor of the Exche er, the sum of money which he ...se of proposing was between use and two millions. But the al sum contained in his two prontons amounts only to wol, and it does not appear t any thing farther was rered. that he had the previous sanction of his Majesty's ministers; for a committee of their own appointment had been named in the last year by the lords of the treasury for purposes under which this subject particularly fell. They were confined in their operations to all offices created since the commencement of the war in 1793. The office of third secretary of state had been created in 1794; and how it could escape the notice of the committee was to him quite unintelligible. All (the right hon. gentleman said) that he had now to do, was to make out a case strong enough to refer the subject to the examination of a committee. The increase of colonies since 1792, was all that he had to meet. These were, in fact, nine in number, for he would not include Heligoland, nor yet St. Helena. Four of these were in the West Indies, three in the East Indies, and two in the Mediterranean. Those in the West Indies were nowise con ID SURETARY OF STATE FOR nected with those in the East COLONIES. › April 29th, Mr. Turney rose -, ta point of substance, l not of form, a motion reto the abolition of the office ord secretary of state for the in which he had been dea uang the se sions of the He now intended to for a committee to inquire fat subj ct; not, he said, there were any doubts in his * as to the propriety of the office; but because at in questions of this L- had not the smallest e of success in any other One great inducement for to undertake this subject was, Indies, and neither of them with those in the Mediterranean. His proposal was therefore to make over the four first to the home department; the three next to the board of control, and (said he) they might add St. Helena, though it would not give much additional trouble; as it might rather be considered as a gaol under the care of the police of Europe. Malta should belong to the foreign secretary. As to the Ionian islands, he scarcely knew how to speak, whether they were our own or not; but he apprehended that the nature of Sir Thomas Maitland's connexion with them was not colonial, but purely political. After various other observations on on the subject, partly serious and partly sarcastic, he concluded by moving, "That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the business now remaining to be executed by the secretary of state for the war and colonial department, and to report their opinion, whether the continuance of the same be any longer necessary; and whether the duties performed by the said department may without inconvenience to the public service be transferred to any other offices, and with what diminution of charge." Mr. Goulburn said, that the period which had elapsed between the first institution of the colonial department in 1768 and 1782, would form a fit subject of comparison with that which had elapsed between 1802 and 1816; for which purpose he would take the pages of entry in the books of office as a fair criterion. In the 14 years of the first period, the number of pages for twelve colonies amounted to 3139, giving an average of about 224 for ea h year. The same twelve colonies in the second period filled a number of pages amounting to 6098, forming an average of about 435 for each year; so that the quantity of business in these colonies was nearly doubled. But if the whole business of the North American colonies be added to that of the twelve above stated, and opposed to each other in the two periods, the disparity would be found infinitely greater. The number of pages written from 1768 to 1782, averages 446 per annum ; whilst that from 1802 to 1816 rises to 1994. It might be supposed that the increase in the latter period was occasioned by the war: but the fact was otherwise; for the war had only made a difference of about 500 pages per annum, and the remainder was occasioned by the ordinary influx of business. This difference, in a great degree, was imputed by the right hon. gentleman to the extension of education in every quarter of the empire, which has afforded to almost every person in public life, the opportunity of addressing the different offices of government. It was this which had created the necessity for a third secretary of state, and had increased the public business beyond all former precedent. Mr. Wilberforce declared, that from all he knew and heard of the office in question, it was overloaded with business; and such, from what he understood, was the case in the home department. The House then should duly consider, whether the business of the colonies would be exposed to any neglect by acceding to the proposed arrangement. He was of opinion that it required an individual of great consideration to look after concerns so important. to the public interests: a person who should hold a high station in the public eye. The saving of 12,000l. a year was, doubtless, a serious consideration; but the question was, whether the saving of 12,000l. a year would not be much too dearly purchased ty hazarding the good government of the colonies. It appeared to him, that the superintendence of our colonial concerns should constitute the business of a distinct, efficient, and dignified department. Mr. Ponsonby, in allusion to the last speaker, and the compliments he he had bestowed upon the mover of the question, said he was one who would give any thing to a man but his vote. He proceeded to say, that there was only one solid reason that could be urged against the present motion, and that was, that the departments among which the business of the colonies was proposed to be divided, were already over-worked with their own separate concerns. But none of those persons stepped forward to make such a declaration, because they knew full well that the state of the case would not bear them out. After all (said he) what was the motion? Did it invite the House at once to abolish the office? All his right Hon. Friend wanted was, that they should go into an inquiry whether they could save 12,000l. a year to the country. After some other speakers had delivered their opinion on both sides, the House divided, when there appeared, For the tion 87, Against it 190: jority 103. mo. Ma ROMAN CATHOLIC QUESTION. On May 9th, Mr. Gratlan, on rising to submit to the House of Commons his motion on the subject of the Roman Catholic claims, moved that the petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland to the House, presented on April 26, 1816, should be read. This being done accordingly, Mr. W. Elliot next moved, that the petition of the Roman Catholics of England presented on May the 21st, 1816, should also be read; which was done. having been applied to by the Roman Catholics of Ireland to bring their case under the consideration of the House, he now proceeded to discharge the duty he had undertaken. The resolution which he intended to move was the same which was carried in 1813, and does no more than to pledge the House to examine the penal laws, with a view to relieve the Catholics, to give every security possible to the Protestant establishment, and ultimately to satisfy all ranks and orders of men in the empire. He proceeded to say, that the present question was not about the means by which securities might be effected, but whether any securities whatever will be received. There is a communication between the Pope and the Catholic clergy, which must end either in incorporation with the see of Rome, or connexion with the government of England; and if the latter be refused,i will be dangerous to the safety of England. The right hon. gentleman, who reserved himself for a reply, now moved, "That this House will resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to take into its most serious consideration the state of the laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to such final and conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant estab lishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects." The motion having been se Mr. Grattan then said, that conded and put from the chair, VOL. LIX. Mr. Leslie Foster rose, and after stating the character of the two parties into which the Irish Catholics were divided during the last year, he proceeded to show what the conditions are on which they seem now agreed. The nomination of the Bishops has for a long time heen as practically domestic as any possible arrangement can make it. When a see is vacant, a recommendation is forwarded to Rome from Ireland, and within memory not more than two or three instances have occurred of any difficulty in confirming this choice. Lately, it is said, the persons thus nominated in Ireland have been the coadjutors of the deceased bishop, who has been selected by the bishop in his life-time. The transmission of the episcopal rank has therefore, in practice, been a mere matter of testamentary bequest. Some persons, it seems, now propose that the elections shall hereafter be made by the deans and chapters; but if they should, will this mode be either less domestic, or more conducive to give satisfaction to a Protestant, than the present? The proposition of domestic nomination is distinctly this-that the Protestants and Catholics having each much to require, and much to give up, the Protestants are to cede all that remains, and the Catholics are to make the single concession of remaining exactly as they are, as the ground of being admitted to a complete participation of political power. After some discussion of the principle of the veto, Mr. L. F. proceeded to the consideration of the manner in which the Pope is treated by the different powers of Europe, which he borrowed from the work of Sir J. C. Hippesley. He concluded, We have thus, Sir, looked around Europe, and seen Calvinists, and Lutherans, and Roman Catholics, and Christians of the Greek communion, agreeing in two propositions: first, that the patronage of the higher stations of the Catholic clergy must be vested in the state; and secondly, that the most vigorous superintendence must be exercised over all their communications with the see of Rome. And therefore, when the right honourable gentleman asks, whether this country will continue to be the only great nation that shall persist in intolerance, I say, that his question rather ought to be, whether this nation will determine to be the only one in Europe which shall consent to place the Roman Catholic religion in a situation so free from all practical control, as to form a complete imperium in imperio within its bosom. Mr. Yorke said, that the great difficulty he had always found of bringing this question to a satisfactory result was the foreign influence; and no consideration could induce him to yield in any material degree to the petitions of the Roman Catholics, but the prospect of security to the Protestant establishment from such an influence. In formerly giving his opinion on this subject, he had always said, that he thought it could only be usefully taken up when the Pope was master of himself. This was now the case; and the question appeared to stand upon more favourable ground with respect to any communications that |