"I am too well convinced of the loyalty and good sense of the great body of his Majesty's subjects, to believe them capable of being perverted by the arts which are emploved to seduce them; but I am determined to omit no precautions for preserving the public pewe, and for cou teracting the designs of the disaffected. And I rely with the utmost confidence on your cordial support and cooperat.in, in upholding a system of Law and government, from which we have derived inestimable a vantages, which has enabled us to con lude, with unexampled gry, a contest whereon depended Le best interests of mankind, and wh has been hitherto felt by ourselves, is it is acknowledged by other nations, to be the most perfect that has ever fallen to the ht of any people " His Roval Highness then retire 1, an-1 their lordshipsadjourned t... five o clock After the Prince Regent had hirawn, L-ra kacount Sulmouth rose and annoatred that before any other *uter could be entered upon by the 18 ause of Lords, he had one of tast impor ant communicat- as to be made to them that had ever ta en laid before Parliament. •^n_ly, after the strangers with drawn, he informed them, en the Prince Regent was from the House, and g at the back of the garden ta House, the glass of the ge had been broken by a ehe two bails from an air#2 ch appeared to have been at his Royal Highness, in result, a conference was dered to be held with the House A Carta dotis, at which an Address to his Royal Highness was agreed upon, congratulating him upon his escape. The further proceedings upon this subject will appear in the Chronicle of the present year. On January 29th, the Speech of the Prince Regent was taken into consideration by the House of Lords. The Earl of Dartmouth first moved an address of thanks, which was in the usual form. and was seconded by the Earl of Rothes Earl Grey then rose, and began with declaring his full assent to that part of the speech which give a tribute of applause to the noble admiral, and his officers and seamen, who were engaged in the expedition against Algiers; at the same time he could not refrain from doubting how far the advantages arising from the enterprize would be adequate to its expense, or to its future security. respect to the termination of a remote war in India, he conceived it rather too much to ask at the present moment for an opinion concerning the cause and necessity of a war, when, to the best of his knowledge, no information had been laid before their lordships on the subject. With Passing over these topics, the Earl proceeded to take into his consideration the speech from the throne, and the speeches of other noble lords, respecting the probable continuation of peace. The system of policy on which this confidence was founded, appeared to him, instead of tending to secure this end, fraught with the greatest danger to the peace of Europe. This idea he pur ued through various consequences; and with regard to the policy which we had adopted relative to the [B 2] French French nation, he said, that instead of having reduced its power within moderate limits, we had generated in them an implacable spirit of animosity, the end of which would probably be, that having placed and supported the present family on the throne of France, that family must ultimately re-establish its power by going to war with this country. ing distresses of all classes of his Majesty's faithful subjects. "That we are willing to indulge the hope that these distresses may be found, in part, to have originated from circumstances of a temporary nature, and that some alleviation of them may be produced by the continuance of peace; but that we should ill discharge our duty to his Royal Highness, and be guilty of countenancing a most dangerous delusion, were we to conceal from him our opinion, that the pressure which now weighs so heavily on the resources of the country, is much more extensive in its operation, more severe in its effects, more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed, than that which has prevailed at the termination of any former war. His lordship then went on to consider, what he regarded as the most important subject of attention in our present circumstances, our internal situation. This he contrasted with all that had taken place in former cases, in order to shew the much greater difficulties we had now to encounter; and this led him to the question of a reduction of the national expenditure. After various views on the subject, he said, this and the other House of Parliament must impose on the ministers the duty of retrenchment. We must insist on a retrenchment very different from that adverted to in the speech from the throne. We must insist upon a rigid unsparing economy, an economy founded not on what sound policy requires, but on what necessity will adinit; not on what government would have, but on what the country can afford. If we cannot extend the means to meet the expense of the establishments, we must contract the establishments to meet the means. His lordship concluded a long speech, by proposing the follow-ced in his Royal Highness's speech ing amendment: That we have seen with the deepest concern the continued embarrassments of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; the alarming deficiency of the revenue, and the uncxampled and increas "That we are firmly persuaded that the same exemplary patience and fortitude with which all ranks have hitherto borne the difficulties under which they labour, will continue to support them under such burthens as may be found indispensably necessary for the unavoidable exigencies of the public service; but that to maintain this disposition, it is incumbent on parliament, by a severe and vigilant exercise of its powers to prove that sacrifices, so painfully obtained, are strictly limited to the real necessities of the state, "That while we acknowledge the gracious dispositions announ from the throne, we cannot help expressing our regret that his Royal Highness should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of the most rigid economy and retrenchment, particularly with respect to our military establish ments. ments. That to prompt and effectual reductions in this and every other branch of the public expenditure, this House must naturally look, as the first step to relieve the distresses and redress the grievances of which the people so justly complain; and that to enabie themselves to assist his Royal Highness by their advice in the execution of a duty so imperiously called for by the present situation of the country, they will lose no time in instituting a strict inquiry into the state of the nation." The speakers who successively followed were the Earl of Har rowby, Earl Grosvenor, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord St. John, Earl Bathurst, the Marquis Wellesley, Viscount Sidmouth and the Earl of Darnley. It will scarcely be necessary to remark that the miBusters and their opponents widely fered in the conclusions they were led to draw from the preBaises The question was then put, and the amendment being negatived without a division, the Address was agreed to. In the House of Commons an amendment exactly of the same Lport was moved by Mr. Ponsby, to an address to be presented to the Prince Regent. It engaged many of the principal Speakers on both sides, among whom were Mr. Bathurst, Mr. Lab, Mr. Charles Grant, Mr. Curwen, Mr. Bankes, Mr.Canning, Mr Brougham, and Mr. Tierney. The amendment was rejected by 24 to 112, and the original moton was then carried. PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE. On Feb. 34, the Prince Regent kat to each House of Parlia ment a message to the following purpose: "His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, has given orders that there be laid before the House papers containing information respecting certain practices, meetings, and combinations in the metropolis, and in different parts of the kingdom, evidently calculated to endanger the public tranquillity, to alienate the affections of his Majesty's subjects from his Majesty's person and government, and to bring into hatred and contempt the whole system of our laws and constitution. His Royal Highness recommends to the House to take these papers into their immediate and serious consideration." On February 4th, Lord Sidmouth rose in the House of Lords to propose an answer to this communication. If the answer should be, as he did not question that it would, an agreement with his Royal Highness's proposal, it was his own intention to refer the message to a committee of secrecy; and all he had to desire, was that their lordships would abstain from making up their minds till they were in possession of the information which was to be laid before them. One remark he further had to make, which was, that the present communication was in no degree the consequence of the shameful outrage on the Prince, which was viewed, not only by the parliament, but by the great body of the people, with detestation and horror. He concluded with moving an address of thanks to the Prince Regent for his message. In some of the subsequent speeches, hints were pretty plainly thrown out of a secret intention in the ministers to shackle the liberty of the subject. At present, however, they kept warily on their ground, and the address was carried unanimously. Lord Sidmouth then moved that the papers on the table should be ref rred to a committee of secrecy consisting of eleven lords to be chosen by ballot; which was agreed to. In the House of Commons, Lord Castlereagh made a parallel motion respecting the Prince Regent's message, which was carried without opposition; as was likewise that of a secret committee consisting of twenty-one members. On the 18th and 19th of February, the secret committee in each House made its report of the contents of the papers communicated by the Prince Regent. The substance of each was nearly alike; but it will probably be more interesting to our readers if we place both of them in their view, House of Lords. By the Lords Committees appointed a Secret Committee to inquire into certain Meetings and Combinations endangering the public tranquillity, and to report to the House as they shall see occasion: Ordered to report, that the committee have met, and have proceeded in the examination of the papers referred to them. Their attention was in the first instance directed to those which relate to the metropolis; and they have found therein such evidence as leaves no doubt in their minds that a traitorous conspiracy has been formed in the metropolis for the purpose of overthrowing, by means of a general insurrection, the established government, laws, and constitution of this kingdom, and of effecting a general plunder and division of property. In the last autumn various consultations were held by persons in the metropolis engaged in this conspiracy. Different measures of the most extensive and dangerous nature were resolved upon; partial preparations were made for their execution, and various p'a is were discussed for collecting a force sufficient for that purpose. But at a subsequent consultation another plan was adopted, which was, to get a great number of men together to see what force could be raised; and it was agreed that the best way to get them together would be to call a public meeting. Spa-Fields was fixed upon as the place affording the greatest facilities for entering the town, and attacking the most important points in the city. In pursuance of this design, and in order to assemble in the neighbourhood of London a great number of the poorer classes of the community, and particularly of those in whose minds the pressure of the times might be supposed to have excited disaffection and discontent, advertisements were inserted in newspapers, and handbills were industriously distributed, inviting the distressed manufacturers, mariners, artisans, and others, to assemble at that place on the 15th of November. A large body of people accordingly assembled at the time and place pre-cribed. The most inflammatory language was there held to the multitude, having a direct tendency tendency to excite them to outrage and violence: and the meeting was in fact followed by some acts of plunder and riot. A petition to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent was agreed to at that meeting, and an adjournment to Palace-Yard on the first day after the meeting of parliament was proposed; but the 2d of December was subsequently fixed upon (on the proposition of one of the persons concerned in the plans already described) for another meeting in Spa-Fields; and that day appears to have been determined upon for the execution of their design. Various schemes were formed for this purpose. Amongst them was a general and forcible liberation of all persons confined in the different prisons in the metropolis, into some of which, in order to facilitate its execution, an address to the prisoners was intr xduced, assuring them that their Liberty would be restored under a new government; announcing the intended attack upon all the prisons for that day; apprizing the prisoners that arms would be ready for them; exhorting them to be prepared with the national tricolor cockade, and to co-operate by the most violent and san..nary means to ensure success. It was also proposed to set fire to various barracks, and steps were taken to ascertain and prepare the ans of effecting this purpose. An attack upon the Tower and Bark and other points of importaree, was, after previous consultates, finally determined upon. Pars and arms to a certain extent were actually provided, and leaders were named, among whom the points of attack were distributed. It further appears that the interval between the two meetings was employed with unremitting assiduity by some of the most active agitators in taking regular circuits through different quarters of the town. In these they either resorted to the established clubs or societies, or laboured in conversations, apparently casual, at public houses, to work up the minds of those with whom they conversed into such a state of ferment and irritation as to render them, when collected in sufficient numbers, for whatever ostensible purpose, the fit and ready instruments for the execution of any project, however rash and desperate. In the course of these circuits one of their chief objects appears to have been to take every opportunity of attempting to seduce from their allegiance the soldiers of the different guards and at the barracks. The principal persons concerned in this plan actually proceeded to Spa-fields on the second of December, some of them with concealed arms, and with ammution previously prepared; they had also provided themselves with tricolor flags, and with a standard bearing the following inscription: "The brave soldiers are our brothers; treat them kindly;" and also with tricolor cockades, evidently adopted as the sig nal of revolution. After much inflammatory language a direct invitation was by one of these persons addressed to the multitude to proceed immediately to actual insurrection. And it appears quite certain, that the acts of plunder which were perpetrated for the purpose |