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Prisc. O heaven! Anar. So How like you this? Phlebotomising only can cure the fever in your blood. Why don't you mingle limbs? Get up and

at it.

Direct. Like to a ship dismember'd of her sails, and cuff'd from side to side, by surly waves, so doth my soul fare:

As that poor vessel, rests my brittle stay,
Nearer the land, still nearer cast away.

Presbytery in my fall receives its mortal wound, and ne'er must look in
England to bear sway. O, O, I see in this the power of Providence :
Whose stronger band restrains our wilful pow'rs,
A will above doth rule the will of ours.

[He dies. Anar. He's dead, but she remains with life: And wilt thou not accompany thy lecher, that he may man thee into Charon's boat?

Prisc. My soul disdains her habitation, and now will needs be fleeting: Know, Sir, for now I fear not all your fury, I lov'd Directory as my own soul, and knew him oftener than yourself; for which may heaven forgive me! For his sake I could wish to live, but now he's gone, what should I do on earth?

Death our delights continually doth sever;
Virtue alone abandoneth us never.

[She dies. Anar. She's gone; farewell for ever: May heaven forgive thy fault! I would not prosecute revenge so far, as wish thy soul destruction: What now remains for me? I must be gone far hence, e're Sol visit our horizon; let fortune do her worst.

Her frowns he fears not, nor her hott'st alarms,
That bears against them patience for his arms.


OR 鲨



Being a pathetical complaint and motion, in the behalf of our English nation, against her grand, yet neglected grievance, Normanism.

Quænam (malum) est ista voluntaria servitus?

Cicero, in Orat. Philip. I, London, printed for Richard Wodenothe, at the Star, under Peter's Church in Cornhill. 1647. Quarto, containing twenty-eight pages.



THIS essay having long waited for room and free audience on the publick stage, doth now appear: If thou hast a mind to quarrel

• Being written Anno Domini, 1642.

with it, it must be against the matter, or the form; against the matter thou who art English canst not, without betraying either thy ignorance, in not knowing thy nation's dearest rights, or thy impiety in opposing them, being no other than what she enjoyed, and joyed in, till she lost them by perfidious robbers. But if it be the form that thou disrelishest, 1 confess, it needs much favour, and therefore should gladly have seen thee, or some other, to have prevented it with a better; yet, for thy better bearing with the prolixity of the historical part of it (occasioned by the copiousness of the subject, worth, and opposite arrogance) thou mayest remember, that it was King Ahasuerus's choice recreation to review the acts of his ancestors, and that the Jews could hear even St. Stephen reciting their high pedigree patiently; however, it shall suffice me in this business to have attempted to have done worthily, and I doubt not but every true Englishman will not only indulge the work's weakness, but also lend both his heart and hand in all lawful means toward the accomplishing of its demands, as without which obtained, at least in a good degree, this nation can never be honourable, nor, consequently, happy. Vale.



HILE I behold and revolve the great and laborious inversions and eversions of things effected by the representative body of this kingdom, in this and precedent parliaments, with that liberal and vast expence of English blood, lives, labour, and cost, which, with the height of animosity, and seeming magnanimity, former generations have bestowed, and the present doth not spare in asserting the publick causes of this nation, and all, excepting what is about some ecclesiastical niceties, for the securing, or enlarging, of our estates and privileges from domestick oppression, and concentered in the object of ease and commodity, and such like petty advantages; I cannot but with shame and grief of mind look upon the genius of our nation, as seeming to have transmigred from that metamorphosed prince of Chaldea, who, being transmitted from the top of humanity, into the condition of beasts of the field, for a great part of his ensuing age, made fodder, and other brutish accommodations, the proper subject of his content and contentions, not harbouring, in the mean time, a back-looking thought towards that royal estate, by the possession whereof, he had been once the most eminent of the mortals of his age; or, as resembling some strange hero, who being captived, and marked for a slave, should have his senses so captivated also, as to be more ambitious to be chambered in his jail, and to glitter in gilt fetters, than to be restored to his lost freedom and reputation, contending with earnest extremity for the one, but not breathing so much as a wish for the procurement of the other.

That this is our case, I would that the heavy, long, and overlasting heaven grant not everlasting, groans of the hereditary liberty and honour of our nation (the choicest and most essential fundamentals of her temporary well being, and the most precious part of her earthly patrimony he happy ornaments of her youth) long since overthrown, and for many

i.e. The title and quality of a free natiou.

ages together, lying patients, most wretchedly, under a mass of unworthy oppression, did not too evidently evince, whilst we, her sons, in the interim, sparing no endeavours in the behalf of our less valuable rights, are, in this respect, so stupidly senseless, that whereas we have cause enough, with that Ænean prisoner Enceladus (the eternal monument of dejected greatness) to testify the weight of our disgraceful burden with fiery sighs, and sulphureous blasts of indignation ; we, contrariwise, are so far from any reluctance, as to lie in a dead sleep under it, as under our grave-stone; having juscribed thereon the epitaph of our honour in red letters of shame, not daring, or not willing, so much as to breathe forth a complaint, or to wish for a removal of that, than which there is nothing under heaven more insufferable to ingenuous men, and to such as would be accounted other than the progeny of Cham, preordained to servility,

This mountain of dishonour, which the English name haih so long groaned under, and yet we have never once adventured to complain of, much less endeavoured to remove, is no other than that infamous title of a conquered nation, and that by so infamous a conquest; but, more especially, the still visible fetters of our captivity, the evidences of that title; those foreign laws, language, names, titles, and customs, then introduced, and to this day, domineering over ours; our stupid degenerateness consists in this, That in all our contentions by pen or sword, in all the essays of our poets or orators, (excepting some few, whereof Vergestan deserves to be memorised.) I could never yet find any considerable endeavour for our vindication from this thraldom and disgrace; but rather, like tamed creatures, or unnaturalled Janizaries, we sooth and applaud ourselves in these gives and servile robes, as patrician ornaments; and (that, which, methinks, no true Englishman can observe without indignation) many of those that would be accounted to have honoured our land, with their pens, have placed that their honouring us for a great part, in celebrating the glory of that Nor. manism and Francism, which the desert of our sins hath inflicted on us, and seem to have sacrificed their love and duty to their own nation, together with their discretion, for an holocaust on the altar of that name, which is diametrically enmity to the English; and such are those that ascribe so much worth to the Norman blood, and strive to pen up all nobility and gentry within the accursed catalogue of those names that came from the Gallick continent.

Indignities that merit a Lucan's genius, and Tully's dicendi vis, to lay open and explode them ; but since the such of this nation, contrary to my perpetual and earnest wishes and expectation, are undutifully silent herein; duty to my country shall make it no indiscretion in me to undertake the task, though, alas! performing it rather by an intimation, tban due illustration of the truths which follow.

There is no man that understands rightly what an Englishman is, but knows withal, that we are a member of the Teutonick nation, and descended out of Germany; a descent so honourable and happy, if duly considered, as that the like could not have been fetched from any other part of Europe, nor scarce of the universe; which will be plain and manifest, if we take a just-survey of the gloriousness of that our mother nation, and that in the sundry respects of her ancient and illustrious original, her generous qualification, and magnifick and warlike nature; her

atchievements, domination, greatness, and renown; her Majesty, and other heroical points of excellence, wherein she is so transcendent, and which make her so princely, as that no other nation in every respect, the Scythick excepted, may, without arrogance, dare to compare with her.

To begin with her original, of it I may say as Virgil of Fame, caput inter nubila condit; she is a primitive nation, and vaunts her descent to be from no other place, than from the top of Nimrod's tower, where was made the first division of mankind into nations ; she derives not herself, (like those of her neighbours that boast so much of their great birth) from the conquered relicks of ruined Troy, whence also Virgil took so much pains to deduce his Romans, or from any other nation; but, as most conceive, the first transmigration, that the Teutones made, was, as is aforesaid, from the building of Babel, from whence they were conducted by the great Tuisco, whose name they still retain, and placed in those seats, which they have not only ever since defended against all invaders and intruders, but also most notably enlarged the same upon their neighbours; others, in more ignorant timós, conceited they had their original and spring (like the giants, Myrmidons, Cadmus's new men, and other warlike breeds) from the soil and earth under them, as which was never known otherwise, than appropriate to their name and pos. session.

To this antiquity of the Teutonick house, there wants not a conspiring quality of blood effectual to make it the most illustrious and first nation of christer.dom; for Gomer, Japhet's eldest son, is acknowledged, by historians, to bave been the first king and possessor of Europe, whose heir and first-born was Askenaz, the father and denominator of the German nation; the Jews, at this day, calling the Germans Askenites, and the Saxons, our progenitors, as the most noble tribe, still retaining, with a little metathesis, as well the name as blood of the same royal patriarch; but whether he were one and the same with Tuisco, or else his progenitor, is left uncertain.

For the general qualification of these our ancestors, it hath ever spoke them to be no other than the true sons of Tuisco, that is, of Mars, as some interpret him. The first character that was given of them to the world, was by great Alexander himself, and resulted from that compendious discourse betwixt him and their ambassadors, when, upon their worthy answer to his proud question, as the supplement to Curtius's history recordeth, he pronounced them an haughty and cavaliering nation, envying that any should be as magnanimous as himself.

The next light that was given of them to the southern world was in lightning terror; this was by that famed expedition of the Cimbri and Teutones, peculiarly so called, when those our more immediate ancestors, wanting elbow-room in their native country of Low Germany, and the Cimbrick-Chersonese, undertook, in a party of three-hundred thou.' sand adventurers, to seek and mend their fortunes in foreign countries. The first country they took in their way was France, then called Gaul, a country preordained for the exercise and subject of our conquests, and beating a nation, at that time esteemed the paragon of the world, and for strength, valour, and numerousness invincible; this France, and

French nation, till then unconquered, and in their maiden glory, that Almaign army over-ran, subdued, and trampled under foot, thereby leaving to us, the progeny of their nation, the prime right and title of conquering them again; this province being ransacked, over the belly thereof, those second Anakites bore on their uncontrolled march towards the Alps and Italy, where lay the term and scope of their resolution and design, which was to try masteries with Rome for the empire of the world; Rome was not then in her infancy, under the displeasure of heaven, and propugned by a disorderly and unskilful multitude, as Brennus found her, but flourishing in the height of her fortune, strength, and youthful vigour; her discipline unmatchable, her armies almost invincible, and those managed and conducted by the greatest general of that age, Caius Marius; so that well might these positive advantages, concurring also with sundry accidental ones, which last were, indeed, the most efficacious occasions of the event, lend the Romans the fortune at that time over those our ancestors; but, although by the disposition of the supreme will, they fell short of their design, and left the honour of Rome's destruction for some (the Goths) others of their countrymen, in ensuing ages; yet did they shew forth such famous symptoms of more than human daringness and abilities, that the affrightment, which they cast before them, shook all Italy, and loaded the Romana Itars with prayers at that time, and long after, with praises to their deities, for the deliverance of their city from so formidable an invasion; a deliverance that endowed Marius with the pre eminent name amongst Rome's preservers, as being from the invasion of such whose performances proclaimed them a gigantean army, and the most valiant men that ever the Romans had to deal with.

Neither did our ancestors glory fail to increase with the increase of time; for the next age produced Ariovistus, with his martial army from Germany over the Rhine to the second conquest of France; so that twice was that nation subdued and broken by our ancestors the Teutones, before ever the Roman eagles durst assail it: And, had not the Romans then interposed, all France, as well as Belgia, had, long before the time of Pharamond, fallen into the Germans possession. These Germans, at that time, as Cæsar recorde th, had the French in such vassalage and subjection, as that they durst not so much as mutter out a complaint, or petition to their Roman friends for relief against them; nor did the French, who had been accounted of all nations the most. valiant, in that age, presume in any sort to compare themselves with the Germans; but, as the same great author witnesseth, confessed in plain terms, that they were not able so much as to withstand their fulminating looks; and by their reports of the Germans formidableness, concurring with the Cimbrick memory, so scared even Cæsar's legions, that all his centurions fell to a disposing either of their persons to a more security by flight, or of their estates to their friends by testament. And whosoever surveys the writings of Cæsar, Tacitus, and other Roman authors of those times, no less eminent for judgment than authority, shall find in them the Teutones, our ancestors, to have been always accounted, in effect, the Anakitish and most soldiery nation of the world; and, for personage, the flower and quintessence of mankind, chosen and advanced

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