CHAP. I. Justice of the King's Bench, and he sent Churchill over James II.'s to Versailles to cement the obnoxious French alliance. Parlia ment. He opens Parliament. As an indication of his religious policy, the eminent Puritan Richard Baxter was prosecuted and sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment, and only one party of Dissenters escaped his vengeance. This was the sect known as Quakers, or Friends, whose most prominent representative, William Penn, had acquired a powerful influence over James. Although the King, when Duke of York, had been opposed to the summoning of a Parliament, he now found himself obliged to call one together for the settlement of the Crown revenues, which he had already collected without Parliamentary sanction. When such a settlement had been effected, he argued that he could in future do with or without Parliaments as he pleased. Even if Parliament failed to do what was required of it, James had extracted a promise from Louis XIV. to support his authority and establish their common religion. The King required from Parliament a grant of the whole income which his predecessor had received, and the electors were warned beforehand of the hopelessness of resistance to his demands. What was practically a Royalist House of Commons was elected, and on May 19th, 1685, the first and only Parliament held in the reign of James II. assembled at Westminster. In his speech from the throne, the King reiterated what he had said before the Privy Council, promising to maintain the government in Church and State as then established by law. "Having given you this assurance concerning the care I will have of your religion and property," said James, "I cannot think that I shall fail of suitable returns from you, and particularly to what relates to the settling of my revenue." This emphatic use of the personal pronoun was very significant. He then proceeded to shatter the constitutional rights of Parliament in the following manner: "There is one popular argument which I foresee may be used against what I ask of you, from the inclination men have for frequent Parliaments, which some may James II.'s Parlia ment. think would be the best security by feeding me from CHAP. I. time to time by such proportions as they shall think convenient; and this argument, it being the first time I speak to you from the throne, I will answer once for all : that this would be a very improper method to take with me, and that the best way to engage me to meet you often is always to use me well." Crown Here was the old threat, covertly expressed, to do Settlement without Parliaments, if they were found intractable. of the But for the present the House acquiesced. The revenues revenues. which Charles II. had possessed for life, and which were now reckoned at about £1,400,000, were granted to his successor for the same period, and the tax upon wines was voted for eight years. The Upper House was likewise yielding, and repealed the resolution passed some years before providing that proceedings begun on an impeachment by the Lower House were not to be annulled by a dissolution. Under this new enactment Lord Danby and the imprisoned Catholic lords were released. The Lower House promised to stand by and assist with their lives and fortunes his Majesty against the Earl of Argyle and all other rebels and traitors. There was practically no opposition to the grant of revenue, and the only speech to disturb the general harmony was one made by Edward Seymour, who, though a Tory, and ▲ Tory hitherto no friend to popular government, stood forth reformer. singly to condemn the abrogation of the charters of towns and the arbitrary proceedings which had in consequence resulted at the elections. Seymour made himself the mouthpiece of constitutionalism, foreseeing grave dangers to the State if a system of arbitrary government were to acquire the ascendency, of which he declared there were manifest signs. He had, no doubt, secret sympathisers, but he found none to support his views in the House. tion and Shortly afterwards a committee for religion which had The relibeen appointed recommended an address to the King gious ques"to publish his royal proclamation for putting the laws the Disin execution against all dissenters whatsoever from the senters. CHAP. I. Church of England." This brought the religious question James II.'s to an issue, for James could not well invoke the cruel Parlia ment. Argyle and Monmouth. Roman Catholic commissions. disabling statutes against those of his own faith. Strenuous efforts were accordingly made to defeat the proposal, the King threatening with his personal displeasure all who should vote for it. Ultimately the previous question was adopted, and a resolution was substituted to the effect "That this House doth acquiesce, entirely rely, and rest wholly satisfied in his Majesty's gracious word and repeated declaration to support and defend the religion of the Church of England as it is now by law established, which is dearer to us than our lives." Parliament adjourned on July 2nd until August 4th, and from the latter date until November 9th. Meantime the country was agitated by the Argyle and Monmouth invasions. The Earl of Argyle appeared in Scotland, but his rising was easily suppressed, and its instigator was executed at Edinburgh. Monmouth's rebellion in the west of England was equally unsuccessful. The Duke was defeated at Sedgmoor, the last battle fought on English soil. Monmouth was captured, taken to London, and beheaded. The Bloody Assizes, which have made the names of Jeffreys and Kirke infamous in history, followed; and for his share in these and other transactions Jeffreys was made Lord High Chancellor of England. The King resolved to make himself independent of Parliament, and to establish a standing army. There were two great statutes of the realm, however, which were peculiarly hateful to him: the Habeas Corpus Act and the Test Act. Overriding the provisions of the latter, he gave commissions to Roman Catholic officers in the newly levied regiments. Ministers warned him that these measures would provoke discontent, but he replied that he did not expect opposition from them, and that he intended to retain the Catholic officers in his service. Halifax, Lord President of the Council, would not support the King's policy, and was consequently dismissed from office; and James declared that he would give his confidence to no one who did not completely agree with him in feelings and principles. But the reactionary rate CHAP.I.j at which the monarch was proceeding soon had its effect James IL's upon Parliament. Parlia ment. Army The Houses met on November 9th, and in opening the The King session the King set forth his methods of government and the without circumlocution. Alluding to the late rebellion, and to the length of time it had been carried on without opposition, he said, "I hope everybody will be convinced that the militia, which hath hitherto been so much depended on, is not sufficient for such occasions; and that there is nothing but a good force of well-disciplined troops, in constant pay, that can defend us from such as, either at home or abroad, are disposed to disturb us." Some offence had been taken in Parliamentary circles at the increase of the army and the granting of Catholic commissions, but these were declared necessary, as well as a double grant of money, to support the augmented army. "Let no man take exception," he proceeded, "that there are some officers in the army not qualified, according to the late tests, for their employments: the gentlemen, I must tell you, are mostly well known to me; and having formerly served with me on several occasions and always approved the loyalty of their principles by their practice, I think them now fit to be employed under me and I will deal plainly with you, that, after having had the benefit of their service in such a time of need and danger, I will neither expose them to disgrace, nor myself to the want of them, if there should be another rebellion to make them necessary to me." mistake James thus put into the forefront the two most un- James's acceptable points he could have selected-a standing policy. army and the violation of the Test Act; while he was reticent upon the subject of the laws and the Protestant religion, in regard to which he had been expected to make a definite declaration. This caused much dissatisfaction, and in the Commons there was already a party springing up, composed of zealous Tories and a number of Whigs, who strongly resented the King's support of Popery. CHAP. I. Parlia ment. The Militia and a Army. The Earl of Middleton, Secretary of State and a James II.'s member of the House of Commons, proposed that the Lower House should immediately return thanks for his Majesty's speech, but this was rejected, and a day appointed for discussing the address. Instead of first Standing passing the article on subsidies, as agreed upon, the House plunged into a debate on the King's statement concerning the relations of the militia to the standing army. There was a general feeling that something must be done to improve the militia, but it was also admitted that a strong standing army was necessary, though Edward Seymour said, "Supporting an army is maintaining so many idle persons to lord it over the rest of the subjects." The discussion was very animated, but the Court party carried the grant of a supply. At the same time, however, the House came to a resolution to represent to the King that the true force of the kingdom consisted in the militia, and that it would take every possible means to render this force efficient. This was a plain indication that the Commons would not allow of a regular standing army. Many of the members, including Seymour and Clarges, spoke with great vehemence against the army and the Catholic officers, and asserted that the King's speech was a contradiction of what he had said in the preceding session, since now he openly declared himself against the established laws, which were the safeguard of the Protestant religion.1 The Catholic officers. The discussion altogether was so obnoxious to James, that rumours were already afloat of the speedy prorogation or dissolution of Parliament. But it was necessary that the grant should acquire the force of law, while the Commons were resolved to have an understanding touching the Catholic officers. The question was therefore debated in grand committee on November 14th. The majority were of opinion that the arbitrary disregard of the test oaths could not pass unnoticed. One speaker said that the creation of a Popish force had already ' Despatches of Barillon, the French ambassador. |