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establishment, pafs for nothing with the lovers of revolutions. The French have made their way, thro' the deftruction of their country, to a bad conftitution, when they were ab folutely in poffeffion of a good one. They were in poffeffion of it the day the States met in feparate orders. Their bufinefs, had they been either virtuous, or wife, or had been left to their own judgment, was to fecure the ftability and independence of the States, according to thofe orders, under the monarch on the throne. It was then their duty to redrefs grievances.

Inftead of redreffing grievances, and improving the fabric of their ftate, to which they were called by their monarch, and fent by their country, they were made to take a very different course. They first deftroyed all the balances and counterpoifes, which ferve to fix the ftate and to give it a steady direction, and which furnish fure correctives to any violent fpirit which may prevail in any of the orders. These balances exifted in their oldest conftitution, and in the conftitution of this country, and in the conftitution of all the countries in Europe. These they rafhly deftroyed, and then they melted down the whole into one incongruous, ill-connected mafs.

When they had done this, they inftantly, with the moft atrocious perfidy and breach of all faith among men, laid the axe to the root of all property, and confequently of all national profperity, by the principles they established, and the example they fet, in confifcating all the poffeffions of the church. They made and recorded a fort of inftitute and digeft of anarchy, called the rights of man, in fuch a pedantic abufe of elementary principles as would have difgraced boys at fchool;

but this declaration of rights was worse than trifling and pedantic in them; as by their name and authority, they fvitematically deftroyed every hold of authority by opinion, religious or civil, on the minds of the people. By this mad declaration, they fubverted the ftate, and brought on fuch calamities as no country, without a long war, has ever been known to fuffer, and which may in the end produce fuch a war, and, perhaps, many fuch. Should they even perfectly fucceed in what they propofe, as they were likely enough to do, and establish a democracy, or a mob of democracies, in a country circumflanced like France, they would establish a very bad government-a very bad species of tyranny.

But the worst effect of all their proceedings, he faid, was on their military. If the queftion was, whether foldiers were to forget they were citizens, as an abftract propofition, he could have no difference about it; though, as it is ufual, when abstract principles are to be applied, much was to be thought on the manner of uniting the character of citizen and foldier. But as applied to the events which had happened in France, where the abstract principle was clothed with its circumftances, he thought that his friend would agree with him, that what was done there furnished no matter of exultation, either in the act or the example. It was not an army embodied under the refpectable patriot citizens of the ftate in refifting tyranny. Nothing like it. It was the cafe of common foldiers deferting from their officers, to join a furious, licentious populace.

He expreffed his concern that this ftrange thing, called a Revolution in France, fhould be compared with

the

the glorious event, commonly called the Revolution in England; and the conduct of the foldiery, on that occafion, compared with the behaviour of fome of the troops of France in the prefent inftance. At that period, the prince of Orange, a prince of the blood royal in England, was called in by the flower of the English ariftocracy to defend its ancient conftitution, and not to level all diftinctions. To this prince, fo invited, the aristocratic leaders who commanded the troops, went over with their feveral corps, in bodies, to the deliverer of their country. Military obedience changed its object; but military discipline was not for a moment interrupted in its principle.

But as the conduct of the English armies was different, fo was that of the whole English nation at that time. In truth, the circumftances of our revolution (as it is called) and that of France, are just the reverse of each other in almost every particular, and in the whole spirit of the tranfaction. What we did was in truth and fubftance, and in a conftitutional light, a revolution, not made, but prevented. We took folid fecurities; we fettled doubtful queftions; we corrected anomalies in our law. In the ftable, fundamental parts of our constitution we made no revolution; no, nor any alteration at all. We did not impair the monarchy: perhaps it might be fhewn, that we ftrengthened it very confiderably. The church was not impaired. The nation kept the fame ranks, the fame privileges, the fame franchises, the fame rules for property. The church and the ftate were the fame after the revolution that they were before, but better fecured in every part.

Accordingly the state flourished.

Inftead of lying as dead, in a fort of trance, or expofed, as fome others, in an epileptic fit, to the pity or derifion of the world, for her wild, ridiculous, convulfive movements, inpotent to every purpose but that of dafhing out her brains against the pavement, Great Britain rofe above the standard, even of her former felf. An æra of a more improved domef tic profperity then commenced, and ftill continues, not only unimpaired, but growing, under the wafting hand

of time.

This fpeech of Mr. Burke was received with great and general applaufe. As foon as he fat down, Mr. Fox rofe and faid, that his right honourable friend had mixed his remarks upon what he had faid with so much perfonal kindness towards him, that he felt himself under a difficulty in making any return, left the house should doubt his fincerity, and confider what he might fay as a mere discharge of a debt of compliments, He muft, however, declare, that fuch was his fenfe of the judgment of his right honourable friend, and fuch the eflimation in which he held his friendship, that if he were to put all the political information which he had learnt from books, all which he had gained from fcience, and all which any knowledge of the world and its affairs had taught him, into one fcale, and the improvement, which he had derived from his right honourable friend's inftruction and converfation, were placed in the other, he fhould be at a lofs to decide, to which to give the preference.

With refpect to the approbation he had expreffed of the late conduct of the French military, and his exultation upon the revolution, which had taken place in that country, Mr. Fox faid, he fhould fill main[E] 3

tain

tain that he was not wrong in fo doing. But he hoped that no perfon would thence infer, either that he was a friend to democracy, or approved of the exceffes which had been committed in France. With refpect to the former point, he declared himfelf equally the enemy of all abfolute forms of government, whether an abfolute monarchy, an abfolute aristocracy, or an abfolute democracy, and approved only of a mixed government, like our own. But though he fhould never lend himself to fupport any cabal or fcheme, formed in order to introduce dangerous innovations into our excellent conftitution; he would not, however, run the length of declaring, that he was an enemy to every fpecies of innovation, because that conftitution, which we all revered, owed its perfection to innovation. He differed greatly from Mr. Burke in his opinion of the revolution of 1688, in which he conceived that many innovations had taken place, and he thought that cafe was certainly more parallel to the revolution in France than his right - honourable friend feemed willing to allow. With regard to the fcenes of bloodshed and cruelty which had been acted in France, no man could have heard of them without lamenting them; but ftill when the fevere tyranny, under which that people had fo long groaned, was confidered, the exceffes which they committed, in their endeavour to thake off the yoke of defpotifm, might, he thought, be fpoken of with fome degree of compaffion; and he was perfuaded that, unfettled as their prefent flate appeared, it was preferable to their former condition, and that ultimately it would be for the advantage of that country.

I

After a fhort explanation from Mr. Burke, Mr. Sheridan rose and faid, that the very reafons which Mr. Burke had given for expreffing the fentiments, which he had that day uttered, namely, an apprehenfion of being fuppofed to acquiefce in the opinions of those, for whom he entertained the higheft regard and with whom he had uniformly acted, operated alfo on his mind, and made him feel it a duty to declare, that he differed decidedly from that right honourable gentleman in almoft every word that he had uttered refpecting the French revolution. Mr. Sheridan added fome warm compliments to Mr. Burke's general principles; but faid, that he could not conceive how it was poffible for a perfon of fuch principles, or for any man who valued our own conflitution, and revered the revolution that obtained it for us, to unite with fuch feelings an indignant and unqualified abhorrence of all the proceedings of the patriotic party in France.

He conceived, he said, theirs to be as just a revolution as ours, proceeding upon as found a principle and a greater provocation, and vehemently defended the general views and conduct of the national affembly. He joined with Mr. Burke in abhorring the cruelties that had been committed; but what, he faid, was the awful leffon that was to be gathered from the outrages of the populace? What, but an abhorrence of that accurfed fyftem of defpotic government, which fets an example of depravity to the flaves it rules over and if a day of power comes to the wretched populace, is it to be wondered at, however it is to be regretted, that they act without any of thofe feelings of juftice or hu

manity,

manity, which the principles and practice of the governors had ftripped them of?

Mr. Sheridan went into several other topics refpecting the French revolution, and charged Mr. Burke with being an advocate for defpotifm, and with having spoken of the national affembly with an unwarrantable freedom of speech..

After paying fome high compliments to the marquis de la Fayette, monfieur Baily, and others of the French patriots, Mr. Sheridan concluded, with expreffing a farther difference with Mr. Burke with refpect to our own revolution of 1688, He had ever been accustomed to confider it as the glorious æra that gave real and efficient freedom to

this country, and established, on a permanent bafis, thofe facred principles of government, and reverence for the rights of men, which he, for one, could not value here, without wifhing to fee them diffufed throughout the world.

Mr. Burke made a fhort reply to Mr. Sheridan, after which Mr. Pitt and feveral other members expreffed their concurrence with Mr. Burke in the fentiments he had delivered, and their fenfe of the obligation he had conferred upon his country by the part he had that day taken.

The estimates delivered in for the fervice of the army and ordnance, were then voted by the house without alteration.

CHA P. IV.

The diffenters encouraged, by the small majority by which the motion for the repeal of the test and corporation act was rejected the last feffion, to renew their application. Steps taken by them to fupport it. Alarm of the friends of the established church. Mr. Fox's speech upon moving for the repeal. His general principles of toleration. His opinion of the impolicy and injuftice of the test laws. Argues from the merits of the diffenters. Urges the example of France. Cenfures the conduct of the bishop of St. David's. Concludes with declaring his determination to fupport the question be had brought for ward upon every future occafion. Motion oppofed by Mr. Pitt. He objects to its extent, and the principles on which it was fupported. Is of opinion it might affect the fecurity of the church. He confiders the teft acts as proper reftraints on the prerogative of the crown. Animadverts on the attempts of the diffenters to influence members of parliament. Thinks it would be dangerous to trust them with power. And that tefts, the severity of which could be occafionally mitigated, were neceffary to enable government to ward off danger in cafes of necefity. Mr. Burke concurs with Mr. Fox in his principles of toleration; but thinks the diffenters, at the prefent moment, not intitled to indulgence. Charges them with factious and dangerous practices, and reads various papers in fupport of his charge. Suggests the propriety of a new teft, and of a committee to enquire into their recent conduct. Mr. Fox's motion rejected by a majority of 294 to 105. Motion by Mr. Flood for a reform in parliament. States the inadequacy of the prefent mode of reprefentation. Proposes one hundred additional members to be "chosen by refident housekeepers. His arguments to prove the neceffity of a reform. Anfwers obiections. The motion oppofed by Mr. Wyndham. He afferts that

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the house of commons, as at prefent conftituted, is adequate for all beneficial purposes. Anfwers the objections relative to the American war. Deprecates innovations founded upon theories, Objects to the time as dangerous. Mr. Pitt objects to the motion as ill-timed. Sir James Johnfione's objections. Mr. Fox fupports the motion, and anfwers the objection of its being illtimed. Mr. Burke in reply. Other fpeakers on both fides the question. The motion agreed to be withdrawn.

TH

THE very fmall majority by which Mr. Beaufoy's motion for the relief of proteftant diffenters had been rejected laft year*, juftified the perfeverance of that body in renewing their application to parliament, and could not fail of giving them fanguine hopes of fuccefs. Another application was immediately determined upon, to be made in the prefent feffions, and the interval was employed, with indefatigable induftry, in making every poffible exertion to fortify their caufe, both by general appeals to the people, and by an active canvas of individual members of parliament. The circumftance of an approaching general election was alfo thought favourable to their attempt, on account of their great weight and influence in many counties and corporations, and their avowed determination to exert them, on the enfuing occafion, in the fupport of fuch candidates only, as were known, or fhould promife, to be their fupporters. At the fame time it appears, that they wished to confolidate with their own, the intereft of the Roman catholic diffenters, and probably expected, that they fhould derive fome acceffion of ftrength from that quarter, by extending their application fo as to include in it the members of that perfuafion. Their caufe, thus promifing and thus fupported, it was refolved to entrust, in the houfe of commons, to the zeal and talents of Mr. Fox.

On the other hand, the friends of the established church, alarmed by the activity and confidence of their opponents, exhibited fome fymptoms of vigour in preparing for its defence. Appeals were answered by appeals, and in one inftance, at leaft, an eminent prefate of the church was found to have used his influence amongst his clergy in oppofition to a parliamentary candidate, exprefsly on account of his having voted for the repeal of the corporation and test acts. But what contributed moft especially to prejudice the public mind against the claims of the diffenters, was the violence with which fome of their leaders engaged in the politics of the times, their known correfpondence with France, and their open avowal, that the repeal of the offenfive act was not fought for as their main object, but as a ftep towards a total demolition of all church establishments. Even fome of the most moderate and most refpectable of their own party, alarmed or difgufted at the fpirit of their proceedings, refufed to concur in the propofed application.

On Tuesday the second of March, Mr. Fox, agreeably to the notice he had given, brought the fubject before the houfe of commons, which was one of the fulleft that had been for fome time affembled. He be gan his fpeech with obferving, that he had not obtruded himfelf upon the occafion, but that he came forward at the exprefs wish and folici*See Annual Regifter for the year 1789, page 148.

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