lating, fhould not, in every point of view, forcibly attract the attention of all the furrounding nations of Europe. But, to the people of these kingdoms, they became, at an early period, from feveral peculiar circum ftances, a fubject matter of a more direct, as well as ferious intereft. Before we proceed, therefore, to the detail of our parliamentary proceedings, it will be neceffary to give a short account of the general impreffion which the tranfactions of France made upon the public mind; to point out the different views they fuggefted to political parties, and the first appearance of a defign to form a common cause between the fpeculative reformers of our own nation, and the levelling party, which foon became all-powerful, in France. The reader will have remarked the many favourable circumstances, under which the ftates-general of France were at firft affembled, and which feemed to require but an ordinary degree of public virtue and poitical prudence to improve them into the most important advantages. With a fpirit of conceffion tending to facility, the reprefentatives of the two firft orders, the clergy and the nobility, were empowered, by the inftructions of their respective conftituents, to concede upon almost all the points, which had ever been confidered as invidious, or were then in difpute, and particularly thofe of pecuniary privileges. Every thing that could be required from a prince, to whom the happiness of his people had ever been the object nearest his heart, was to be reckoned upon as certain; and, amongst the reft, the future periodical meetings of the ftates, by which the gradual improvement of

a neceffary confequence.

Whilst the affairs of France wore this promifing aspect, the English nation feemed difpofed to congratulate, with fincerity, its ancient rival upon the dawn of its liberty. A laudable partiality for their own country had, indeed, excited apprehenfions in fome, that France, by availing itself of the advantages of a free conftitution, might become a more powerful, and confequently a more dangerous neighbour: whilft others, led away by the fashionable theories of the day, conceived, that whatever temptations to ambition France might derive from its future profperity, they would be more than counterbalanced by thofe principles cf equity and moderation, which might be expected to prevail under its new fyftem of government, in proportion to the predominance of the popular interefts in it. This latter opinion had its advocates particularly amongst thofe, who were admirers of republican forms of government, and willing to caft an odium upon monarchy by attributing all the wars which have defolated the world, to the ambition and avarice of princes.

Such, in general, were the opinions which floated upon the public mind; and rather as matter of curious fpeculation, than of national concern. But upon what a fuperficial view of things thefe opinions were formed, in all their parts, the events, that have fince happened, have fully evinced. The evils, however, which at that time, exifted only in their principles, or in fuch effects as might be fuppofed occafional or collateral, did not even then efcape more experienced obfervers. They were developed and

purfued

purfued to the dreadful confequences, which have fince enfued. Before the clofe of the year 1789, a celebrated member of the British parliament, in a work, which will remain to the latest posterity as a monument of enlightened patriotifm and unrivalled political judgment, not only warned the French nation of the dreadful precipice, upon which it ftood, but foretold, with a circumftantial exactnefs, thefe horrors, which, though fince acted almost under our eyes, we hesitate to believe. At the fame time, he laid open to the view of all Europe, the defigns of a faction, which aimed directly, both from policy and upon principle, at the total fubverfion of all ats established governments.

It was evident to the projectors of the French revolution, that their plan muft neceffarily exceed the limits of their own territory. Confcious of the desperate lengths to which their fyftem led, and refolved to push it to its utmost extent, they could not expect, that either the policy or generofity of the neighbouring ftates would fuffer them to remain unconcerned fpectators of the fcenes they were preparing to act, or inattentive to the principles eftablished, in order to justify or produce them. They faw, that it was not lefs neceffary to the fuccefs of the general plan, than to the execution of that part, in which they were immediately engaged, to involve the other nations, without delay, in the fame diftractions. And notwithftanding they failed, for the moft part, in this attempt, yet it is not to be doubted, but that the countenance they received amongst individuals in foreign countries, though not at tended with fatal confequences to thofe countries themfelves, yet by

1

the credit it gave to the exaggerated accounts given by their journalists of the general prevalence of their principles, contributed, in no fmall degree, to encourage the prevalent faction to the perpetration of thofe dreadful exceffes, which they were afterwards wrought up to commit.

Such were the zeal and activity of the French agitators, and fuch the extent and boldness of their plans, that it is notorious, that there was no part of Europe in which their agents were not established for the purpose of diffeminating their pernicious principles. Great-Britain and Ireland offered, upon many obvious accounts, the fairest field to the induftry of these democratic miffionaries. It was not neglected, and was cultivated not without fuccefs. Active and zealous partizans were found ready to co-operate with them. Nor was this confined to individuals: but various political focieties, of more or lefs ancient denomination, made it their business to propagate their principles, and recommend their example. The nobility of France had not been long profcribed and the church plundered, nor the king many days led captive to Paris, before letters of congratulation were fent from several of these focieties in both kingdoms, and a regular official correfpondence opened between them and the leaders in France. In the transactions of thefe focieties, the means by which the revolution was carried on and effected, if not always praised, were yet pronounced to be fanctified by the end; the example was recommended as a glorious pattern for the imitation of mankind, and fanguine expectations were held out, that it was but the first, though an effential and leading ftep to the gene

ral

al emancipation of Europe. That thefe public declarations might not mifs their effect upon the minds of the people, they were accompanied with plaintive comparisons between the auguft perfection of the new French conftitution, and the imperfections of our own; and the palm of having fo foon outftripped their ancient rivals, in the glorious race of freedom, was conceded with affected regret and humiliation.

At the fame time the press teemed with the most daring libels upon the conftitution of this country, and all its constituent parts. They were diftributed gratis, and circulated with aftonishing induftry, not only amongst the lowest clafs of the community, but through the army and the navy. In thefe writings the people were invited to form themselves into clubs and focieties, after the manner of the French; and many were actually formed in a great number of the most populous towns of the kingdom, avowedly affiliated (to ufe an expreffion of their own) by the democratic clubs in France.

Such was the state of things previous to the meeting of parliament, which took place on Thurfday the 21ft day of January.

In the fpeech from the throne, his majefty, after expreffing his concern at the continuance of the war on the continent, and lamenting the internal commotions which difturbed the tranquillity of different parts of Europe, informed the two houfes, that he continued to receive affurances of the good difpofition of all foreign powers towards these kingdoms; and that he was perfuaded they would entertain with him a deep and grate ful fenfe of the favour of providence in continuing to his fubjects the increafing advantages of peace; and VOL. XXXII.”

the uninterrupted enjoyment of thofe invaluable bleflings which they had fo long derived from our excellent conftitution.

After the ufual demand of fupplies for the fervices of the year, he informed them of the measures he had been under the neceffity of taking, during the recefs of parliament, for preventing the exportation and facilitating the importation of corn, and that he had directed a copy of the order iffued for that purpofe to be laid before them.

Before the houfe of lords proceeded to take his majefty's speech into confideration, the marquis of Bath, the marquis of Salisbury, the earl of Mount Edgecumbe, and the earl of Fortefcue, who had been advanced, during the recefs of parliament, to their feveral refpective ranks in the peerage, took their feats with the accuftomed folemnities.

The ufual addreffes were moved, and feconded in the house of lords by lord viscount Falmouth and lord Cathcart; and in the house of commons by the viscount Valletort and Mr. Cawthorne, and voted without oppofition or debate. The topics chiefly infifted upon by the several fpeakers, were the notoriety of the facts mentioned or alluded to in the fpeech from the throne, and the striking contraft which the happiness and profperity of this nation exhibited, when compared with the fituation of almoft every other power in Europe; circumftances which, they faid, were to be attributed, in the first place, to the superior excellence of our conftitution, and, in the fecond, to the wife and prudent adminiftration of the executive government. In the houfe of commons, as foon as the addrefs was

voted, an act of indemnity was order[E]

ed

ed to be brought in, refpecting the orders of council alluded to in the fpeech from the throne.

The estimates for the military establishments were nearly the fame with thofe of the preceding year, and were not voted without fome objections from the fide of oppofition. It was obferved by Sir Grey Cooper, Mr. Marham, and Mr. Fox, that eight years of peace had elapfed, and that the military estimates were not yet reduced even to the peace cftablishment of 1775, though the committee of finance, which fat in the year 1786, had prefumed upon a ftill greater reduction. That there was nothing in the actual fituation of affairs that called for this extraordinary military force: but, on the contrary, that his Majefty had affured them of the pacific difpofition of all the foreign powers; that our antient rival and enemy, in confequence of her internal disturbances, would probably be difabled from giving us any moleftation for a long courfe of years; and, laftly, that the alliances we had made, and the fubfidiary treaties we had entered into on the continent, inafmuch as they multiplied the chances of our being involved in war, were proportionably mischievous, if they did not enable us to reduce our expences in time of peace.

To thefe arguments it was anfwered in general by Mr. Grenville and Mr. Pitt, that though there was no reafon at prefent to apprehend that we should be engaged in hottilities with any foreign power; yet the unfettled ftate of Europe, and the internal situation of feveral parts of it, made it neceflary for us to keep ourfelves in fuch a ftate, as might enable us to act with vigour and effect, if occafion fhould require. That it was a prepofterous economy

to tempt an attack by our weakness, and for a miserable present saving to hazard a great future expence. That our foreign alliances, which had been approved of by all parties as neceffary for the prefervation of that balance of power in Europe, upon which the permanence of its tranquillity depended, could only be rendered effectual for that purpofe, by our being able to fupport them with an adequate force; and, lastly, that it would be found upon an examination of the detail of all our military establishments, that they could not with common prudence be reduced to a narrower scale.

In the course of the debate upon this subject, Mr. Fox took occafion to remark, that the conduct of the French foldiers, during the late commotions, tended greatly to remove one of the objections, which he had always entertained against standing armies. That army, by refufing to obey the dictates of the court, had fet a glorious example to all the military of Europe, and had fhewn, that men, by becoming foldiers, did not ceafe to be citizens.

This remark, did not pafs without animadverfion at the time it was made. Colonel Phipps begged leave to enter his proteft against the compliment which had been paid to the profeffion, to which he had the honour to belong, fo far as it was connected with any approbation of the proceedings of the French army. He conceived, that the conduct of the British army in the year 1780, might have furnished the right honourable gentleman with a much more unexceptionable ground of panegyric. He would there have found the foldiery of this nation not joining thofe, who were riotously disturbing the public peace and fcattering ruin among individuals;

not

not the first, in violation of their oaths and of their allegiance, to head anarchy and rebellion; but men really feeling as citizens and foldiers, patiently fubmitting to the infults of the populace, and, in fpite of provocation, maintaining the laws and acting under the conitituted authorities of the realm.

On the 9th of February, when the military eftimates were reported from the committee, a further debate took place; in which Mr. Fox having again let fall fome expreffions of applaufe of the French revolution, Mr. Burke rofe, and after a few obfervations upon the general ftate of Europe, as it affected the queftion of encreafing or diminishing the military force of Great Britain; he adverted, in a more particular manner, to the fituation of France. That country, he remarked, by the mere circumftance of its vicinity, ought to be the first object of our vigilance, not only with regard to her actual power, but also to her influence and example, which had once been, and might again become, more dangerous to us than her worft hoftility. He inftanced the earlier part of the reign of Louis the Fourteenth, and the difficulty, with which the patriots of that day ftruggled in this country against the influence of an example, which, by its fplendor and fuccefs, had not only captivated our then fovereigns king Charles and king James, but gained fomething upon all ranks of people. The danger, in the last age, he obferved, was from an example of defpotifm in government, and of intolerance in religion. In the present the disease was altered, but it was far more likely to be contagious; it was on the fide of religion, atheifm, and, with regard to government, anarchy; it was the danger of being led

through an admiration of fuccefsful fraud and violence, to an imitation of the exceffes of an irrational, unprincipled, profcribing, confifcating, plundering, ferocious, bloody, and tyrannical democracy.

He then proceeded to obferve, that the very worst part of the example fet us in France was, in his opinion, the late affumption of citizenship by the army. As this opinion was in direct oppofition to the fentiments of Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke expreffed the great regret he felt in differing from his right honourable friend; and after pronouncing a fine panegyric upon his fuperior abilities, and bearing teftimony to the natural moderation; difintereftednefs, and benevolence of his difpofition, he begged the houfe to judge from his coming forward to mark an expreffion or two of his beft friend, how anxious he was to keep the diftemper of France from the leaft countenance in England, where, he was fure, fome wicked perfons had fhewn a ftrong difpofition to recommend an imitation of the French fpirit of reform; fo ftrongly, he faid, was he opposed to any the leaft tendency towards the means of introducing a democracy like theirs, as well as to the end itself, that he would abandon his best friends, and join with his worst enemies, to oppofe either the means or the end.

Mr. Burke then took a concife

view of what had been lately done in France. That nation, he obferved, had gloried (and fome people in England had thought fit to take fhare in that glory) in making a revolution; as if revolutions were good things in themfelves. All the horrors and all the crimes of the anarchy, which led to their revolu tion, which attend its progrefs, and which may virtually attend it in its [E] 2 eftablishment,