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tives of the people are fpecially called upon to declare them, because it is their duty to lay the foundations before they raife the edifice; to establish principles be fore they draw conclufions; to fix upon a determinate and invariable end, before they make choice of the means by which it is to be obtained. That it is neceffary to declare them, in order that the people may understand and decide upon the motives of their legislators; that our fucceffors may tread in our footsteps, and, feeing clearly our object, and comprehending fully the fcope of our defign, may be enabled to bring our work to perfection; and that other nations may be made fenfible by our precepts of the injuries they fuffer, and may learn by our example how to redress them. It is a debt which France Owes to mankind.

This celebrated declaration of rights has been so long before the world, and has every where, particularly in this country, been already fo much difcuffed, that any obfervation now upon it would not only be needlefs, but could fcarcely avoid being a repetition of what has been already faid. It was allowed by all parties, even in France, to contain much good matter, and the nobles and clergy acknowledged that many of its articles were excellent. Confidered as a compofition, it bears evident marks of hafte, and is by

no

means a regular and homogenecus work. Sometimes it an nounces rights; again it prefcribes reftraints: here it anticipates the objects of legiflation; and there it directs and attack against defpotifm, which it could not confiftently fuppose to exist. It was not till the VOL. XXXH.

end of Auguft that the production. was finished.

Perhaps there was fcarcely lefs truth than wit in Mirabeau's obfervation on this declaration, “That it "would answer no other purpose "than that of a political almanack "for the current year."

Through this whole courfe, the affembly was divided into a number of fections or committees, to each of which was affigned some specified part of the new conftitution, on which it was to give its opinion and advice in a report, which then became a fubject of general difcuffion. But in thus fettling the conftitution, a queftion (as all things were now unhinged) neceffarily arofe, which ferved more to divide the opinions and to agitate the minds of men than any other; this was the grand queftion, What share of autho rity it was fitting the king thould poffefs in the new legislature? This operated like a touchftone. In other matters, the different orders and parties were conftantly divided among themselves, but now, every man found himself under a neceffity of avowing and fupporting his principles, or of giving them up for ever. What had never happened before, the prefident now faw, on his right hand and on his left, the whole affembly arranged in two grand hoftile divifions, and these fo nearly poifed in point of number, that the most experienced eye could not determine on which fide the advantage might lie. The conflicts were fo hard fought on both fides, fo often renewed, and fo long continued, and the fubject of debate so industriously spread and universally known, that the whole nation be came parties in the conteft, and the [C]

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diffention

diffention and agitation was not less among the people at large, than it was within the walls of the affembly. All the paffions which had hitherto been in fome degree fmo thered, now burst forth with greater force from their restraint, and many fprung from recent caufes, appear ed in all the ardour of juvenility. Rabaut owns, that every debate in the affembly was now a quarrel; and the heat and violence without was ftill greater.

On the one fide were arranged, in the first instance, those who had at all times confidered the fovereign as the fole and rightful legiflator; with thefe were joined thofe who, without entering into the abftract principle, were from habit or opinion attached to monarchy, and who were ftruck with dread and horror at the fudden torrent of republicanism which now fo fuddenly overfpread the land; to these were to be added the fmaller band, who felt themselves attached by affection to the king's perfon, and that much more numerous, which, from interested motives, found itself bound at all events to the fupport of kingly government. But the great force on that fide was a new acceffion; being compofed of the nobility and clergy, who, though reduced in power, were ftill refpectable, if not formidable, from their number, as well as from what ftill remained of their influence. Thefe, become at length fenfible of the baleful effect of their pat tergiverfation, reflecting in bitternefs of heart upon the manner in which both orders had been alternately duped by the commons, and led blindly to play their own game into their hands, and clearly perceiving now that nothing lefs

than their final ruin was intended, were equally convinced that nothing could avert that ruin, but the retaining of fo much power in the hands of the king, as might prove fome check to the prevailing fyftem, and enable him to interpofe with effect in their preservation.

On the other fide was oppofed, in much clofer and firmer array, and much better officered and commanded, the whole body of republicans throughout the kingdom; who, notwithstanding the innumerable divifions into which they were formed, and the great distances by which the parts were feparated, were fo intimately connected, and their correfpondence and union fo perfectly established, that their general movements difplayed the facility which might have been expected from thofe of a fingle individual. With these were joined no finall ́number of men, who stood in the very odd predicament, that though they joined the republicans in every thing, they were notwithstanding attached to forme undefined or unknown fpecies of monarchy, but were unable to decide in themselves what that should be; thefe having ne other principle of union or action than one common fear, that the crown might recover its former preponderance and power, could fee no other evil or danger whatever; but that was fo ftrongly fixed in their minds, that it feemed difficult to affign what degree of humiliation or weaknefs it could be reduced to, which would prove fufficient to remove their apprehenfions. Under this impreffion, although they were directly adverfe to republicaniẩm in principle, their conduct produced the fame effect as if they had been

the warmest and most determined zealots in the caufe; nor were they awakened from this delufion till the business was over, when their opinion and action were become as ufelefs as their repentance.

But that great power which overruled all others in the kingdom, that turbulent metropolis which contained within its old walls a very numerous and a moft peculiar nation, was not only fufficient to turn but directed the management of the scale in all cafes as it liked. Paris, therefore, little needed the aid of Rennes in Brittany, and feveral other of the more confiderable cities and towns, which having received the fame republican bias, were, however inferior in ftrength, fcarcely lefs zealous in the cause.

One of the questions which arose upon this fubject, and which was the longeft and the most violently agitated, both within and without the affembly, was that relative to the king's veto, or negative, upon the paffing of laws. The difference between the two parties upon this queftion was fo wide, that it feemed fcarcely poffible they could ever meet or unite; for while one brought ftrong reasons to fhew that this authority in the crown' was indifpenfably neceffary to the public intereft, in order to preferve a check upon the tumultuary nature of public affemblies, and prevent their paffing not only without due confideration, but under the influence perhaps of the most fudden and outrageous paffions, laws, which from their abfurdity, their iniquity, or impolicy, might draw on national difgrace, public injuftice, or even foreign danger. On the other fide, the retaining of this power in the king's hands, it was reprefented, would be

the means of overthrowing every thing that had yet been done for the liberty and good of the people; that by this negative, without af figning reafon or motive for his conduct, he might obftruct those measures which were of the highest utility to the people, merely to favour the intrigues of his court, or the machinations of his ministers; that by thus impeding or arrefting the operations of the affembly, the great work of regeneration, which the people now fo confidently expected, would be rendered impracticable, and all their hopes fruftrated; that if the ill effects of this dangerous power did not even immediately take place, they would not be the lefs certain when the proper feafon arrived for their operation; that when the prefent vigilance of the people and their reprefentatives was relaxed, and means used to lull them into a fatal fecurity, then the king might fuddenly, at his pleasure, inflict a paralytic ftroke upon the legislative body, which would difable and render it totally useless. And that, in fact, this veto was a never-failing inftrument of tyranny, and the most odious and dangerous relick of ancient defpotifm which could poffibly be retained.

The queftion was branched out into feveral parts. After they had been occupied in the first inftance to make fuch provifion as fhould prevent the operation of the veto with refpect to the acts of the prefent affembly, the clear difcernment of Mounier fhewed that this was mere waste of time, the fubject not admitting of a queftion; for the prefent aflembly being appointed by the nation, for the special purpofe of framing a conftitution, it was [Ca]

thereby

thereby placed in a fitation different, with refpect to the royal negative, from what its fucceffors might be; the real fact being, that the royal power, during their performance of that duty, was, of neceffity, virtually though not formally fufpended: fo that their conftituent acts were not to depend upon the king's pleasure or fanction-they required his direct acceptance, which could not be refused.

The first part of the subject being thus difpofed of, the poffible or probable future confequence of the royal fanction's being retained or abolished, became the fubject of difcuffion; and another queftion fprung from this, If the king is allowed to have a negative upon laws, fhall that negative be final, or fhall it only be fufpenfive for a limited time?

In the mean time, the fecondary agents or leaders of the populace in Paris began to interfere openly on the question of the veto, and on all the other points relative to the conftitution, which were then agitated by the affembly; while the crowds in their own galleries became every day more infolent and outrageous, drowning the voice of thofe members whom they did not like, by hootings and revilings, and endeavouring to over-awe them by infult and menace; while long lifts of members who were marked to be profcribed, were difperfed not only in the capital, but through every part of the kingdom.

The popular fermentation in Paris was rifing to the highest pitch. All the old manoeuvres which had produced fuch extraordinary effect in the preceding months of June and July, were renewed in the gardens of the palais royal, and in

the adjoining political coffee-houses. The turbulent St. Huruge (formerly an officer in the king's fervice) but noted for the great fhare which he had held in all the dif turbances of the capital, proposed to fend a deputation to Versailles, to infift that the king, the dauphin, and the national affembly, should refide at Paris; and fent deputies to the Hotel de Ville, to demand the approbation of the reprefenta. tives affembled there to this meafure. The Hotel de Ville, under the influence of M. Bailly, the mayor, together with La Fayette, behaved with fense and spirit upon this occafion: the former ftrongly prohibited all tumultuous affemblies; and La Fayette, by the affistance of his national guards, gave effect to the decree, by committing Huruge, Tinlot, and fome of the molt violent motion makers and agitators to prifon. Thus was fedition for a fhort space checked.

St.

The counts of Clermont Tonnere, Lally Tollendal, with Mounier, and other men of eminence, made heavy complaints in the national affembly of thofe rebellious attempts against the freedom of the .king, and of that body itself; as well as thofe lifts of profcription which were every where spread, including the names of all thofe members who wifhed well to the project of two chambers, or who fupported the royal negative; and of the anonymous letters which they daily received, threatening them with deftruction,

Mirabeau, and fome of his friends, faid they had received letters equally violent and threatening, for voting against tithes; and the first affected to treat with the greatest contempt and ridicule the panic terrors

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to which certain cowardly members were liable. The affembly, according to its established cuftom in all cafes relative to that people, paffed over the infults of the Parifians, without fhewing the fmalleft fpirit, and thereby became liable to the neceffary confequence, of being expofed to ftill greater infults in future. For fome time paft, but particularly fince the late animofities which had arifen among the parties, ftories of plots and confpiracies had been moft unaccountably fpread through every part of the kingdom, and deeply affected the minds of the people. Some of these were charged directly upon the court, among which the intended escape of the king and the royal family from Verfailles to Metz, formed the principal figure. Others were charged upon the ariftocratic party, who were fuppofed to intend the reftoration of the king to his former power, merely to render him an inftrument for the attainment of their own ends, and for further fecuring what they attained. How far thefe plots were real or pretended, it is impoffible at prefent to decide. There certainly never was a period or a country in which fabrications of this fort, however false, and however palpably inconfiftent and abfurd, would have been received with greater avidity, or credited with less enquiry, than France at this time. It is likewife to be remembered, that ideas of plots were at this time highly neceffary to the prevailing party; and we have seen, that they poffeffed means, which have not often been equalled, of making fuch impreffions on the public mind as they deemed neceffary.

On the other hand, it would be idle to fuppofe, that the multitude

of men, whofe fituation and condition in life had been fo fuddenly and totally changed, must not be much difcontented, and that they would not readily embrace any wellfounded fcheme for the recovery of what they had loft; fo that we may take it for granted, that there would have been an abundance of plotters, if there had been any feasible plot formed. But the total defect of evidence to prove the existence of any, at a time when the difcovery was fo eagerly fought, and to much depended on the proof, ftrongly indicate that thefe reports and alarms were mere political fabrications, calculated to answer certain purpofes, and to produce certain obvious effects. Indeed the ftate of public affairs, the temper that prevailed throughout the country, and the arms in the hands of the peafantry, all concurred in rendering it impoffible for the aristocrates to form any rational and well-founded fcheme, for the prefent recovery of their affairs. It is not to be doubted but that they were guilty of great indifcretions; and that in their cups, through their habitual loofenets of speech, and natural turn for boating, they faid many things which they never thought of when fober. This was in character, and to be expected.

The reports, however, produced the fame effect in one refpect, as if the plots had been real, by exciting a great and general ferment through the nation. It was not to be expected that the Parifians, ever credulous, and ever fufpicious, fhould be the last that were thus affected. Every thing began to bear a most dangerous appearance in that city, and all who had witnessed their late violences, had every thing now to [C 3]. apprehend;

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