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ment, wherein I was bred in my younger years in
the university." Instead, however, of a familiar
conference, the points in dispute were discussed
in a series of papers which passed privately be-
tween his majesty and Mr Henderson. The
result may be easily imagined.
His majesty's
answers, manufactured by his divines, carefully
evaded the argument; Henderson quoted Scrip-
ture and Charles quoted the Fathers, and the time
was consumed in a heroic but hopeless attempt on
the part of Henderson, by this most unsatisfactory
of all modes of discussion, to convince the king
on points where neither his pride nor his policy
would permit him to listen to reason. These
papers are eight in number, five by his majesty,
and three by Henderson. "After perusing them,"
says one who was well versed in the controversy,
"it is difficult to read without a smile, the pane-
gyrics which the Episcopalian writers have be-
stowed on the incomparable wisdom of his ma-
jesty, and the triumph which he obtained over
Mr Henderson in the controversy."

"*

them in replacing him honourably and securely on | drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopal governthe throne of his ancestors. To all these solicitations Charles, who was buoyed up with false hopes by his prelates, turned a deaf ear. His only answer was, that he was bound, by his coronation oath, to defend the Prelacy and the ceremonies of the English Church; and that, ere he wronged his conscience by violating that oath, he would forfeit his crown and his life. It may appear a harsh condition, to insist on Charles taking an oath which would have bound him to extirpate Prelacy, while he professed to believe it to be a form of divine institution; but when we consider that this form had been already abjured and overturned in the three kingdoms, it does not seem too much, that the sovereign should have been required to take the national oath. The interests of a whole nation were not to be sacrificed to the personal scruples of the monarch; especially when these related merely to a form of ecclesiastical government, which could not be shown to have any foundation in Scripture, and the divine right of which had only of late been asserted, for political purposes. His majesty's professions of regard to his coronation oath, after the specimens which he had given of his duplicity, and after so often violating that oath, without remorse, in regard to the civil liberties of his subjects, met with little credit. They did not impose even upon Baillie, who says, "As to his conscience, none would believe him, though he were to swear it, that he had any conscience on the subject." The real grounds of his refusal to comply with the terms of the Scottish commissioners were, as has been amply shown by others, purely of a political kind. I shall merely add, for the sake of anticipating another objection, that although "covenanting," as it has been practised by some churches, is a religious duty, requiring certain religious qualifications in those who engage in it, the Solemn League, as well as the National Covenant of Scotland, were properly civil bonds, national and public deeds, binding, indeed, to the external support of a certain profession of religion, but not necessarily implying spiritual qualifications in those who entered into them. Vowing 1s, in its own nature, not a religious but a moral duty, competent to nations as well as individuals; and if we except the matter of these covenants, (the real source of all the outcry against their imposition,) they may be vindicated on the same principle as the oaths which Britain still considers herself entitled to exact from those who hold the highest official stations in the country.

Grieved and disheartened by the infatuation of the king, whom he perceived to be obstinately bent on refusing all the means of extricating himself from his difficulties, this devoted servant of Christ, who was labouring at the same time under a severe distemper which he was persuaded would prove mortal, returned by sea to Edinburgh, on the 11th of August 1646. Though sick and exhausted, he enjoyed great peace of mind, and conversed much to the comfort of his brethren who visited him. On one occasion, during dinner, he was so unusually cheerful, that his friend Sir James Stuart, could not refrain from congratulating him on the change. "Well," said Henderson, "I will tell you the reason. I am near the end of my race, hasting home, and there was never a schoolboy more desirous to have the play, than I am to have leave of this world. In a few days, I will sicken and die. In my sickness I will be much out of ease to speak of any thing; but I desire that you may be with me as much as you can; and you shall see, that all shall end well." Soon after this, as he foretold, he departed in peace. His body was interred in the Greyfriars' church-yard; and a monument was erected over his remains with a suitable inscription. After the Restoration, this monument was defaced by orders from the government; but it was afterwards repaired, and still remains in a very perfect state. Not satisfied with wreaking their vengeance That no means might be left untried which on his tomb-stone, his enemies attempted to blast promised to relieve the royal mind from its his immortal reputation. Laying hold of the scruples, Alexander Henderson was, by his ma- circumstance of his having died soon after his jesty's special request, appointed to confer with conferences with the king at Newcastle, they eir hith at Newcastle, on the points of difference culated the report that he had become a convert between prelacy and presbytery. Henderson de- to their royal cause, and that his death had been clined a public disputation with his majesty's hastened by remorse for the part he had acted divines, on the ground that he had seldom found against his sovereign. They had even the effrontany good to result from such controversies. "Allery to publish a forged document, purporting to that I intended," said he, "was a free yet modest be his death-bed declaration, in which they put expression of my motives and inducements, which * Life of Henderson, by Dr M'Crie, Christian Mag. vol. 10, p.354.

retained his designs of subverting the Reformation in England, afforded no rational prospect of success; and the Scottish Church, with a noble firmness, which is condemned by many who are loud in their praises of the firmness of Charles, would not accept of a boon, which in the circumstances was nothing better than a bribe, and which would have involved them in a compromise of their sacred engagements with England. On the other hand, to deliver him up unconditionally, to be disposed of accord

into his mouth sentiments which he would have sooner died than avowed. This disgraceful and unprincipled trick, which resembles those so often resorted to by Papists, was exposed at the time by the General Assembly, who, immediately upon its appearance, appointed a committee to examine the pamphlet, and afterwards published a declaration of its falsehood and forgery; in which, "out of the tender respect which they bear to his name, they declare that, after due search and trial, they do find that their worthy brother, Mr Alexandering to the pleasure of the English Parliament, as Henderson, did, from the time of his coming from London to Newcastle, till the last moment of his departure out of this life, manifest the constancy of his judgment touching the work of reformation in these kingdoms,-as divers reverend brethren who visited him have declared to this Assembly, particularly two brethren, who constantly attended him from the time he came home till his breath expired." This was certainly sufficient; and yet this base slander, which has been refuted by our best historians, and which certainly tends more to discredit the cause of Prelacy than any thing that Henderson ever said against it, continues to be retailed by writers on that side down to the present day!

the English demanded, was an alternative to which they would not listen; and months were spent in negotiations, in the course of which the pertinacity with which the Scots insisted on their right to be consulted in the disposal of the King's person, threatened to issue in an open rupture with the Parliament. The speeches delivered by the Scots commissioners, who went to London to treat this delicate question, on being sent to press, were seized, and suppressed by order of Parliament; and the printer was imprisoned. They were pub lished, however, in Scotland; and breathing as they did the most devoted loyalty, they created a sensation in behalf of the unfortunate monarch, which his subsequent fate roused into universal The next scene which occurs in this dramatic indignation. The point for which the Scots comportion of our history, is the surrender of the missioners contended was, that the King should, King's person into the hands of the English. It in accordance with his own earnest and repeatedly must be gratifying to every lover of his country expressed desire, be permitted to return to some to know, that late investigations have freed the of his palaces in the neighbourhood of London, memory of our Scottish ancestors from the stig-"with honour, safety, and freedom." "We do ma which was so long attached to their conduct in this transaction. It is hardly worth while to notice the ridiculous story of the Scots having sold the king, which was got up at the time, in consequence of some arrears having been paid to the Scots army for their assistance. Instead of being received as a bribe, this money was reluctantly paid by the Parliament as a debt for past services; and the bargain was adjusted in August | 1646, five months before the question as to the disposal of the King's person was settled, with which, in fact, it had no connection. The money was payable simply on the condition of their delivering up the fortresses on the borders, and marching into Scotland-with no stipulation, on either side, as to the King's person. But the transaction, though thus stripped of its mercenary character, may seem still to reflect on the generosity of our countrymen. Even in this point of view, it is capable of a complete vindication; and, had our space permitted, it could be demonstrated that the Scottish leaders acted, on this trying occasion, in the most upright and honourable manner. To carry the king with them to Scotland, while he refused all terms of accommodation with his Parliament, would have been to renew the civil war in their own country, under circumstances more unfavourable than ever. His consenting to the establishment of Presbytery in Scotland, while he

hold," said Lord Loudon, "that the disposing of the King's person doth not properly belong to any one of the kingdoms, but jointly to both. And after Scotland hath suffered the heat of the day and winter's cold, have forsaken their own peace for love of their brethren, have set their own house on fire to quench theirs; after we have gone along with you in all the hardship of this war, and (without vanity be it spoken) have been so useful in the cause; and that the King hath cast himself into the hands of the Scottish army, and that, by the blessing of God, we are come to the harbour of a peace; we cannot expect that the Honourable House will think it agreeable with conscience or honour, that the person of the King should be disposed of by them as they think fit, or by any one of the kingdoms alone. The King doth, with all earnestness, desire to be joined with you. Nor can there be a more real testimony of our respect and affection to England, than that we desire he may be with you, and be advised by you; neither can you have any greater honour, than that his Majesty is willing to return to you. And if so kind an offer should be refused, and the King driven to despair, it is to be feared these kingdoms will be involved in greater difficulties than ever. For, though Scotland be most willing and desirous that the King should return to his Parliament with honour, safety, and freedom; yet if any such course shall be taken, or any demand made for rendering of his person, which cannot stand with his honour Answer of the Commons to the Scots Com- and safety, or which cannot consist with our duty,

Laing's History of Scotland, vol. ii., p. 327.

Whitelocke, 229, missioners' Papers, 19.

allegiance, and covenant, nor with the honour of that army to whom, in the time of his extreme danger, he had his recourse for safety, it cannot be expected that we can be capable of so base an act. And whatever hath been moved by us concerning the King, we desire it may be rightly constructed, as proceeding from such as have not wavered from their first principles: for when the King was in the height of his power, we did not, and, I hope never shall, flatter him; and when the enemy was in the height of their pride and strength, Scotland did fear no colours! And now, when the King is at his lowest ebb, and hath cast himself into our army for safety, we hope your Lordships will pardon us, from our sense of honour and duty, to be very tender of the person and posteritie of the King, to whom we have so many neare relations, and not like the worse of us that we cannot so far forget our allegiance and duty, as not to have an antipathie against the change of a monarchical government, in which we have lived through the descent of so many kings, and under which both kingdoms have been governed so many ages, and flourished in all happi

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injury, or violence, done to his royal person; that there shall be no change of government other than has been for three years preceding; and that his posterity shall in no wise be prejudiced in their lawful succession to the throne and government of these kingdoms." Who could have anticipated, that within three years after this, the English, to whose honour and fidelity the Scots committed the person of their common sovereign would have proceeded to bring him to their bar as a criminal, and to the scaffold as a traitor? When Charles returned to his Parliament, there was no human probability of such a catastrophe; his affairs were in a better train than ever they had been before, had it not been for what has been well termed his own "perverse fatality;" and before we can bring in the Scots as accessory to the king's death, we must suppose them to have possessed a sagacity, which foresaw the issue of the most complicated negotiations, calculated on the obstinacy of the king resisting every measure proposed to him, and anticipated the bloody termination of the conflict, which took the whole nation by surprise, and filled all Europe with astonishment."

The year 1648 was distinguished by the famous Engagement projected by the Duke of Hamilton, the professed object of which was to rescue Charles out of the hands of the English army, who were now under the command of Cromwell, and had obtained, by force, possession of the king's person. This ill-fated expedition was condemned by the Scottish Covenanters, because no provision was made, in the event of its success, that the king would secure the liberties of the nation according to the terms of the Covenant. These terms, indeed, bound them to "stand to the defence of our dread sovereign, the king's majesty, his person, and authority;" but at the same time, "to the defence of the liberties and laws of the kingdom;" and the reason assigned for this was, that “some

In their reply to these truly loyal and patriotic sentiments, the parliament express no small indignation at the suspicions which the Scots seemed to entertain of their intentions. "Let not your expressions obliquely infer," said they, "that the Parliament of England will not do what becometh them to the king, since all the world doth know that this kingdom hath in all times showed as great affections to their kings, as any other nation." The English House of Peers, who were inclined to befriend Charles, and considered his presence in London necessary to prosecute their designs in his favour and against the sectarian army, now became as anxious as the Commons, for the removal of the Scots army out of England. Embarrassed by these considerations, despairing of being able to conquer the obstinacy of Charles, whose last message, when presented to the House of Peers in London, made all, says Burnet," even those that were best affected hang their heads, and send it down to the House of Commons without a word," and perceiving no other course which they could pursue with safety or success, the Parliament of Scotland at length, considering that" as his majesty has frequently expressed his desire to be near his two Houses of Parliament, and that these Houses had desired he might come to Holmby House, promising the safety and preservation of his royal person, in the highly esteemed and magnified the authority of Parliament, would preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdom, according to the covenant,

In a treatise published by the Committee of Estates. 1650, in answer to Montrose's Declaration, they vindicate themselves, and the Scottish nation, with unanswerable force, from the charges above referred to. "Our chief study and endeavour," say they, "hath been to render unto God the things that are God's, and to Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and to our neighbours the things that are theirs. We hope it is made clear and evident to all that will judge impartially, that there was no treaty betwixt this kingdom, their committees or armies, with the king, before his coming to our army, nor after his coming, but with the advice and consent device, and manifest untruth, that we should have sold our king.

of both houses of Parliament; and that it is a malicious and wicked We abhor the very thoughts of it." After stating that "the agree ment for paying their arrears was made five months before the king, with consent of both kingdoms, went from Newcastle to Holmby, they proceed to vindicate themselves from disloyalty and impro dence in giving consent to his majesty's going to the Parliament. "Who would, at that time, have foreseen that an army, raised by the Parliament for their own defence, and which, in profession, so

not only disobey their orders, but also attempt such horrid things as they have since adventured upon? Surely when the Scots army came out of England, it would have seemed not only improbable but incredible. The kingdom of Scotland did intrust his majesty's

they declare their concurrence for his majesty's person to the honourable houses of Parliament of England, who going to Holmby House, or some other of his majesty's houses in or about London, there to remain till he give satisfaction to both kingdoms in the propositions of peace; and that, in the meantime, there shall be no harm, prejudice,

Several Speeches, spoken by the Right Honourable the Earle of Loudoun, Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, at a Conference, &c. Oct. 1646.

were as deeply engaged by duty, oaths, covenants, and solemn pro fessions for his majesty's preservation, as the kingdom of Scotland; and, no question, they would have preserved his majesty's person from all violence or injury whatsoever, had they not met with the unexpected violence against their own persons; for until the army did, by the power of the sword, imprison and seclude the far greater House of Peers, they durst not attempt any thing against his ma jesty's person. And what wonder if we, who were strangers, could not perceive the depth of such designs, (if, at that time, there was any framed design of that kind, which we very much question,) when the Houses of Parliament did not foresee their own ruin?"

part of the House of Commons, and made void the power of the

among themselves had laboured to put into the
hands of the king an arbitrary and unlimited power,
destructive to the privileges of Parliaments, and
the liberties of the subject." So that, as has been
justly remarked, "in proof of the regard of our
fathers to civil liberty, we may appeal to those
very covenants which have been so absurdly de-
cried by ignorant and prejudiced moderns, but
which, in reality, constituted at that time the only
Magna Charta of Scottish freedom."* The
Covenanters, with equal sagacity and regard to
liberty, protested against the admission, into places
of power and trust in this army, of those who
were termed Malignants, that is, persons who
were well known to be hostile to the cause of
civil and religious freedom, and inclined to favour
the arbitrary measures of the court.
It was per-
ceived at once that to suffer this, in the circum-
stances of the country, was equivalent to de-
livering up the military into the hands of the king,
and abandoning all that they had been contending
for. But though the Church protested against the
enterprise, it was sanctioned by the Estates; the
command was intrusted to notorious Malignants,
and Hamilton dragged a reluctant army of fifteen
thousand men into England, where, as might have
been expected, from the total want of spirit and
mutural confidence among those who composed it,
they were easily routed by the English army, un-
der Cromwell, at Preston, with the loss of two
thousand killed and eight thousand prisoners.

This battle, fatal to so many of our countrymen, proved fatal also to the unfortunate and infatuated monarch. The sectarian army, elated by their successes, repaired to London, and took the administration into their own hands. Their first step was to purge the House of Commons, by excluding all the Presbyterian members, which was done by a guard of soldiers under the command of Colonel Pride. The Commons being thus reduced to Independents, and wholly at the command of the army, Charles Stuart was brought before this nondescript tribunal, and having refused to own their jurisdiction, he was condemned as a traitor to his country, and ordered to be beheaded. The awful sentence was carried into execution on the 30th of January, 1649, before an immense concourse of spectators. Cannons were planted at all the avenues leading to the place of execution, ready to be discharged on the multitude in case of a tumult; and when the axe fell on the neck of the unhappy monarch, and the executioner exposed the bleeding head to public view, a shudder of horror and astonishment pervaded the mass, from which they had not recovered when a troop of dragoons rushed forward and dispersed the crowd.

nanimity. His private virtues have been acknowledged by all; but such were the imperfections of his character, that these virtues were unprofitable to the public, and by their abuse proved pernicious to himself. His bigotry, his stubbornness, and above all his proud desire of an inordinate power, which he refused to share unless with the prelates, brought misery upon his country and ruin upon himself. His life was a series of political blunders; and in his death, though it was little better than a judicial murder, kings may read a lesson which may serve, to the end of time, to warn them against abusing the power with which they are invested.

HEAVEN.

I LOVE to think of heav'n, where I shall meet
My fellow-travellers, and where no more
With grief or sin my mind will be disturb'd;
Where holy saints and holy angels dwell,
In constant harmony and mutual love.
But when my heart anticipates the sight
Of God Incarnate, wearing on his side,
And hands, and feet, those marks of love divine
Which he on Calvary for me endur'd,
All heaven besides is swallowed up in this,
And He who is my hope of heav'n below
Appears the glory of my heav'n above!

SWAINE.

ANALOGICAL REASONING OF A SOUTH
SEA ISLANDER.

A SINGULAR specimen of analogical reasoning by a South Sea islander, recently extricated from the darkness of paganism, is mentioned by Mr Williams in his interesting 'Narrative of Missionary Enterprise.' When the British frigate, the Seringapatam, touched at the the Honourable Captain Waldegrave, who commanded island of Raiatea, where the London Missionary Society had prosecuted their labours with very signal success, some of the officers of the ship expressed a doubt if the capacity of the natives would enable them to understand the doctrines taught them by their instructors. Upon this it was suggested, that some of the converted islanders should be interrogated by Captain W., in the presence of his chaplain, and other gentlemen, at the house of the missionary. When they were assembled, for this purpose, Captain Waldegrave addressed to them the following question:-"Do you believe that the Bible is the Word of God, and that Christianity is The natives, for a moment, were of divine origin?" startled, as a doubt upon the subject had never entered their mind; at length one of them said, "Most certainly we do. We look at the power with which it has been attended in effecting the entire overthrow of idolatry amongst us, and which, we believe, no human means could have induced us to abandon." The question was then repeated to an old priest, who had become a decided believer in Christianity. Instead, however, of replying at once," he held up his hands, and rapidly moved the joints of his wrists and fingers; he then The behaviour of Charles at his death presents opened and shut his mouth, and closed these singular his character in a light much more favourable than actions by raising his leg, and moving it in various diHaving done this, he said, "See, I have any of the preceding actions of his life. That cold rections." reserve and inflexible obstinacy, which distinguish-hinges all over me: if the thought grows in my heart, that I wish to handle any thing, the hinges in my hands ed his character, assumed, in his last moments, the enable me to do so: if I want to utter any thing, the sublimer aspect of chastened and tranquil mag-hinges to my jaws enable me to say it; and if I desire • Preliminary Dissertation to Wodrow's History, by Dr Burns. to go any where, here are hinges to my legs to enable

gument, however, was unavailing; the purpose of the youth remained unshaken, and his father accordingly entered him as a commoner of Oriel College, Oxford, on the 17th of March 1714. That he prosecuted his studies at the university with the utmost assiduity and success, the eminence of his after life fully proved; be was a scholar of the highest order, and his talents and attainments were alike conspicuous.

me to walk. Now," continued he, "I perceive great | sters, whom he employed to confer with him. All arwisdom in the adaptation of my body to the various wants of my mind; and when I look into the Bible, and see there proofs of wisdom which correspond exactly with those which appear in my frame, I conclude that the Maker of my body is the Author of that book."-Chap. xiv. p. 235. This answer, which is grounded upon true philosophy, presents a striking example of the same mental process which enabled Butler so fully and so faithfully to trace, throughout the wide range of human experience, the " Analogy of Religion, natural and revealed, to the constitution and course of Nature."

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

THE RIGHT REV. JOSEPH BUTLER, LATE BISHOP OF DURHAM.

BY THE EDITOR.

THIS eminent individual was born at Wantage, on the 18th of May, in the year 1692. His father was a respectable linen and woollen draper in that town. Joseph, who was the youngest of eight children, was early sent to the grammar school, under the tuition of the Rev. Philip Barton, a clergyman of the Church of❘ England. Having acquired the elements of classical literature, his father, who was a Presbyterian, resolved to educate him for the ministry in connection with that communion to which he was most conscientiously attached. With this view Joseph was sent to an academy at Gloucester, where he pursued his theological studies with the utmost diligence and success, under the care of Mr Jones. It was while attending this academy that he displayed those remarkable powers for philosophical research which afterwards rendered him so conspicuous. The work of Dr Samuel Clarke had recently appeared, entitled, “A Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God;" and after perusing this very able argument, which failed to satisfy his mind, young Butler opened a correspondence with Dr Clarke on the subject, proposing his difficulties and respectfully requesting an explanation. The correspondence extended to five letters on each side, and the utmost kindness and candour were displayed throughout the whole of this epistolary discussion, both by the powerful author of the "Demonstration" and his no less powerful though still youthful antagonist. In reference to these letters, Sir James Mackintosh with truth remarks: "He suggested ohjections to the celebrated Demonstration, which were really insuperable, and which are marked by an acuteness which neither himself nor any other ever surpassed." The correspondence which was thus carried on between young Butler and Dr Clarke was anonymous on the part of the former, but as soon as the great metaphysician discovered the name of his able correspondent, he cordially offered him his friendship, and continued ever after to hold him in the highest respect.

At what period Butler was ordained is unknown, but it does not appear that he entered upon any ministerial charge till the year 1718, when, upon the joint recommendation of his friend Edward Talbot, and Dr Samuel Clarke, he was appointed preacher at the Rolls Court. He was then in the twenty-sixth year of his age, and as the emoluments of the office were not suf ficient to dicharge the expenses incident to a residence in the metropolis, he was under the necessity of receiving occasional pecuniary assistance from his family at Wantage. After having occupied this honourable office for four years, he was presented, in 1722, with the living of Haughton, near Darlington, in Yorkshire; and in a short time he was promoted to the richer benefice of Stanhope, in the same diocese. Up to the year 1726, when he resigned the preachership of the Rolls, he was accustomed to divide the year between his du ties in the metropolis and those in the country. His labours in the city, however, he discontinued; and on that occasion he published a selection from the discourses preached at the Rolls Chapel. These sermons have obtained for Butler a very high place among philosophical inquirers into the nature and foundations of morals; the volume, indeed, is stated by Dr Chalmers, in his Bridgewater Treatise, to be "the most precious repository of sound ethical principles extant in any language." The great discovery in morals which ethical writers universally admit to be due to Butler, is the important doctrine of the supreme authority of con science; which, to use the words of Dugald Stewart, "although beautifully described by many of the ancient moralists, was not sufficiently attended to by modern writers, as a fundamental principle in the science of ethics, till the time of Dr Butler." We do not find, it is true, in the "Fifteen Sermons," a system of morals, but the fundamental principles of all morality are stated with a clearness and precision which we will seek for in vain in any other writer, whether of ancient or of modern times.

Early in the autumn of 1726, Butler resigned his preachership at the Rolls Chapel, after which he left the metropolis, and resided wholly, during a period of seven years, at his parish of Stanhope. To the duties of the ministerial office he paid the most sedulous attention; and in the hours of retirement which he was able to snatch from his more public engagements, he employed himself in the preparation of his great work, "The Analogy of Religion to the Constitution and While resident at Tewkesbury, the attention of Course of Nature." This constant devotion, however, Butler was called to the principles of nonconformity in to studies of the most severe description, combined with which he had been educated; and the result of bis in- the active discharge of the duties of his parish, soon vestigation led him to conform to the Established preyed upon his health and spirits. His early friend, Church. His father was by no means satisfied with Secker, perceiving the injurious effect of his indefati the conclusion to which his son had come, and to effect, gable exertions, felt anxious to obtain for him some reif possible, a change in the young man's resolution, he lief by a change of situation. Through his influence, acsummoned to his assistance several Presbyterian mini-cordingly, Mr Butler was chosen chaplain to the Lord

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