D'ANNUNZIO AND ITALY

Can Time's revenges further go Than Dante to d'Annunzio?

DECEMBER 10, 1919

still dominated by President Wilson, who, it is announced, has rejected the latest Italian proposal, which is to make an autonomous buffer state,

our country, knowing it from an intimate standpoint, as his wife is an American

woman.

The new Ambassador's chief thought in

Starr Jordan, express the feelings of many Italians, not only as a contrast in literary achievement, but also as a contrast in the political activity of two poets. There is no question, however, as to the incessant political and military activity of the latter-day poet. Following his capture of Fiume and his descent upon Zara his troops have again set forth on another expedition, presumably for the purpose of occupying the port of Sebenico, near Zara, on the Dalmatian coast.

Fiume is another proof of the fact that the war is not yet completely ended and will not be until, as in the occupied regions of Germany, the Allied forces shall have been permanently withdrawn. The Dalmatian coast is still enemy territory. The Allies took it from the Government of Austria-Hungary under the terms of the armistice, and its formal cession to those Governments was made by the present Austrian Government in the treaty of peace which was signed at St. Germain. By the terms of the treaty the Austrian Government agrees to sanction any distribution of this territory made by the Allies. As, owing to the conflicting claims of Italy and Jugoslavia

area,

the

to Fiume and the Dalmatian Supreme Council has been unable to reach a decision, Fiume is still under the trusteeship of the Allies. Of course d'Annunzio's forcible seizure is the sign and the natural consequence of the inability on the part of the trustees to come to an agreement among themselves.

THE NEW ITALIAN
AMBASSADOR

The appointment of Baron Romano Avezzano as Ambassador to Washington has produced an excellent impression in diplomatic circles, where the new Ambassador's activities in various parts of the world are well known. After the Boxer insurrection in China he became Minister there and showed signal ability in helping to settle that complicated situation. After the assassination of King Alexander he was sent to Serbia, also unofficially representing England, which for a year and a half refused to have any relations with the new King. As Minister to Brazil Baron Avezzano concluded important agreements concerning Italian emigration, and these are now being used as models to regulate Italian emigration in different countries of the world. During the war he was intrusted with a confidential mission to Montenegro, where he undertook to bring the royal family into safety. A still more important mission was intrusted to him later in Greece, where relations with Italy had reached an acutely unpleasant stage.

His success in Greece as elsewhere leads men to believe that he may be equally successful here. He understands

which America, he says, as reported, "has become such a decisive element in this controversy, and has been worked upon by an intense propaganda, certainly not to our

Graphic News

BARON ROMANO AVEZZANO. ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED STATES

Photographed on his arrival at New York on the Mauretania, with Baroness Avezzano and their daughter Yolanda

advantage. . . . We hope," he adds, "that the question of Fiume and our eastern frontier will soon be settled according to national aspirations. . . . For this it is essential that the two peoples know each other better. Undoubtedly the American people have an incomplete notion of what the new Italy is. . . . My policy, therefore, is clearly laid down to promote an intimate knowledge between the two peoples."

THE CORRESPONDENCE
WITH MEXICO

The exchange of notes between the American and Mexican Governments in relation to the case of the American consular agent, Jenkins, has thrown light on a number of circumstances germane to the case, which were obscure during the first phase of the controversy. Jenkins, it appears, is now held solely on the charge of "rendering false judicial testimony." Thus the reports that the Mexican Government had arrested Jenkins because of collusion with the bandits who abducted him are not sustained. The

Mexican note, which was signed by Señor Medina, Sub-Secretary of Foreign Relations, contended that the Jenkins case was entirely an affair of the State of Puebla, in whose jurisdiction Jenkins was arrested, and that the Mexican Federal Government could not constitutionally intervene. Señor Medina pointed out that "in the United States on several occasions Mexican consuls have suffered imprisonment for some acts involving the law of the United States.

Underwood & Underwood

WILLIAM O. JENKINS

Although, in the opinion of the Mexican Government, such imprisonment was not justifiable, never has it asked that the laws of the United States should not be applied in each case. . . . Neither in the United States nor in Mexico can a citizen on trial bc released by order of the Executive. It would be strange if in Mexico an American citizen had more rights than he enjoys in his own country or more than a Mexican in his own country."

In reply to this, Secretary Lansing's communication, as delivered by the American chargé d'affaires in Mexico City, points out that "the Mexican Constitution specifically gives the Federal tribunal jurisdiction of all cases concerning diplomatic agents and consular offi

cers.'

The Lansing note concludes with the charge that there has been "a studied effort on the part of Mexican authorities to ensnare Jenkins in the intricacies of legal proceedings by alleging the commission of technical offenses and by bringing unsupported charges against him " in order to divert the attention of Americans and Mexicans alike from the actual situation, namely, "that Puebla, the capital of the State of Puebla, and perhaps the second largest city in Mexico, is without adequate protection from outlaws who infest the immediate neigh

borhood and who are accustomed openly and freely to visit the city without hindrance." The note closes with the statement that the American Government believes that the charge against Jenkins is unfounded and that the Government of the United States 66 I must renew its request for the immediate release of Consular Agent Jenkins from further impris onment." An irregularly published antiCarranza newspaper of Mexico City called " Revolución has printed an alleged communication from the bandit Cordova, who kidnapped Jenkins, declaring that Jenkins was in no way in collusion with the bandits, who abducted the American consular agent with the main object of politically discrediting the Carranza Government. The authenticity of this supposed communication from Cordova is questioned, however, by the American Government.

99

There is nothing in the Jenkins case at present to lead one to expect immediate action. The use of the word "request" in the American noté leaves it open for Carranza to indulge in further correspondence, and those who know him best doubt that he will order the annulment, of the arrest of Jenkins unless presented with an absolute ultimatum by the United States. Jenkins has been offered the privilege of going out on bail, but prefers to remain in prison.

The execution of General Angeles by the Carranza Government evoked many expressions of regret from the numerous American friends of the Mexican general. There is no question, however, but that Carranza's action was perfectly within his rights. Although a person of many high individual qualities, Angeles has been for four years the right-hand man of the bandit Villa, and it may be. argued that his removal may go far toward bringing about that restoration of law and order in northern Mexico which many communications from the United States to Carranza have urged the Mexican President to accomplish.

BULGARIA SIGNS

At Neuilly, the suburb of Paris, the Bulgarian Prime Minister has affixed his signature to the Peace Treaty on behalf of Bulgaria. By the terms of this treaty Bulgaria must pay an indemnity of nearly $450,000,000; must allow Rumania to remain in the Dobrudja; must give up, to the east, the Strumitza triangle to Serbia, and, to the south, must give up most of Thrace to Greece; the matter of a corridor through Thrace to give Bulgaria access to the Egean is left to future garia access to the Ægean is left to future determination. Finally, Bulgaria must abolish compulsory military service and limit her army to 20,000 men.

These conditions, which the Bulgarian

Minister at Washington denounces as humiliating, are precisely what Bulgaria deserves. Her action before and throughout the war was contemptible and she simply reaps what she has sown.

As a last drop of bitterness, however, the Paris Peace Conference arranged matters so that there should be no splendid ceremonies attendant upon the signing of this treaty, such as took place at Versailles when the Germans signed or at St. Germain when the Austrians signed. The signature at Neuilly was simply accomplished at the office of the Mayor!

"PUSSYFOOT" JOHNSON "PLAYS CRICKET"

At the invitation of British temperance workers, Mr. William E. Johnson (who earned the nickname of "Pussyfoot" because of his quiet and effective way of enforcing the liquor laws in our own West) went to England to help out the British prohibitionists in their efforts to put the British Isles on a dry footing. Mr. Johnson came in for a tirade of abuse from the British press, which pictured him as a conventional prohibitionist of the kill-joy variety-the kind of prohibitionist which Mr. Kirby, of the New York "World," delights to draw.

But England has now discovered that it has. mistaken its mam. A few weeks ago "Pussyfoot" Johnson was seized by a crowd of medical students and carried off in what was intended to be a grand

tended as a lark has had serious consequences. For in the scrimmage Mr. Johnson's left eye was so badly injured that it has been found necessary to remove it.

His cheerful good sportsmanship has earned for Mr. Johnson the almost unanimous respect of his opponents. The medical students have come forward with a sincere and contrite apology for their adventure, one of the leading newspapers opposing his campaign has started to raise a fund for his benefit, and the Lord Chancellor has declared that no matter how much Britons may disagree with Mr. Johnson's views, from now on he will have a respectful hearing in Great Britain.

NO COAL COMPROMISE YET

The return to strict Government regulation of the consumption of soft coal, however it may irk many consumers, is a measure of sound common sense after the failure of miners and operators to come to an agreement at the Washington conference.

It is unfortunate that members of the Government could not themselves agree as to what was a fair settlement of the dispute. The fact that Secretary of Labor Wilson was known to have favored a thirty-one per cent wage increase naturally strengthened the disinclination of the miners to accept the fourteen per cent increase urged by Fuel Administrator Garfield and the majority of the Cabinet.

The coal operators have agreed to the suggested fourteen per cent increase in wages to be met solely by them without any increase in the price of coal. They contend, however, that the National adoption of this scale will force some mines to close.

With the miners apparently firm in their determination not to return to work until they get their thirty-one per cent increase and with the reserve coal supply which was on hand when the strike began rapidly dwindling, the coal strike becomes the National problem of the hour. All the more reason why we should keep our heads. Such statements as that issued by the former Secretary of the Treasury, William G. McAdoo, in which wholesale charges were made that "in the year 1917 many mine owners made shocking and indefensible profits on bituminous coal," do not help to clarify the situation. Not only have conditions changed since 1917, but former Secretary McAdoo in many cases seems to have overlooked the payment of taxes by the coal owners. When taxes have been deducted profits that hitherto may have seemed " shocking and indefensible" become quite moderate. In 1917 in the industry as a whole $2.61 a ton was realized on soft coal. Deducting the average cost of production of $2.15 a ton, there was left a margin of forty-six

cents a ton. The Federal taxes alone were thirty cents a ton that Thus year. there was left only some sixteen cents a ton on the average to cover return on investment. And yet twenty-five cents a ton profit was permitted by the President during the war, while this same amount was construed as a fair profit by the Federal Trade Commission under the Lever Act.

Conditions vary greatly in different mines. Under circumstances where one mine would make a profit another would turn in a loss. To cite cases of gigantic profits here and there is, or has the effect of being, a cheap way of arousing prejudice for political purposes, which makes the attainment of a just and widespread solution of this National problem more difficult than ever.

THE PEOPLE OF KANSAS
BECOME COAL MINERS

Volunteer miners have been digging coal in Kansas under military protection and under the orders of Governor Allen.

Bain News Service

HENRY J. ALLEN, GOVERNOR OF KANSAS

From all over the State, despatches stated last week, men were coming who were

determined that no strike or labor rebellion against the will of the people should prevent the working of the mines. One train bringing assistance was partly wrecked and delayed. The account of the accident has this picturesque statement:

The train bore two hundred and fifty workers, college men from the University of Kansas, the Kansas State Agricultural College, and Washburn College. Among the Kansas University workers were many members of its football team, who volunteered for mining duty in response to an appeal between the halves of the Missouri-Kansas football game at Law

rence.

The union miners, it is said, are puz zled by the attitude of the volunteers!

But nothing is simpler than that men and business will have fuel for their families and their shops. To refuse to produce food or fuel is an outrage against humanity. Against such revolt there is law, and, if needed, force available.

In Kansas the Governor and the courts are acting on quite a different basis from the illegal seizures attempted in North Dakota, as described in The Outlook last week. Governor Allen is acting under the orders of the Kansas Supreme Court, and there is evident no intention to establish permanent State ownership.

THE PUBLIC'S RIGHT IN COAL

There are two principles of AngloSaxon jurisprudence which are well settled and by which both the State and the Federal Governments should be controlled in dealing with the present coalmine problem:

Private property cannot be taken for public use without compensation.

Private property can be taken for public use with compensation.

Bolshevism denies the first. It confiscates private property and makes no compensation. Its motive is, "Private property is robbery." Feudalism denies the second. It denies the right of the state to take private property. Its motive is, What's mine's mine own."

66

The reply of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence to the Bolshevik is, "Thou shalt not steal." To take private property from its owner without compensation is robbery. It is as criminal for the state as for the individual to be a robber. The reply of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence to the feudal lord is, "Your right to your property is subject to the rights of the community." If the owner's control of his property is injurious to the community, the community has a right to take it from him and pay him, not whatever he demands, but whatever an impartial tribunal selected by the community decides to be its value. It destroys a private house to widen a city street; it takes a section of a private farm to build a railway or an aqueduct; but it pays whatever sum the courts award to the owner.

Coal is essential to the life of the community. If the owner of the coal mine cannot operate the mine so as to furnish coal to the community at a reasonable price, the community may take possession of the coal mine and operate the mine for the benefit of the community. It must pay the private owner the value of the coal it has taken during its occupancy of the mine if the occupancy is temporary, or the value of the mine if its occupancy is permanent. Every pains must be taken to ascertain what is a just and fair compensation; but the final decision rests neither with the private owner nor with

the executive of the state, but with the courts, which have been created for the purpose of determining just such questions.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE

Of two of the subjects most urgently pressing for action in Congress-the Peace Treaty, or rather treaties, and the return of the railways to private controlthe President in his annual Message, sent to Congress on December 2, said only that he would postpone them for later consideration.

The President urged "legislation looking to the establishment of a budget system." He expressed his belief that the preparation of the budget should be left to the Executive, but that when prepared the budget should be submitted to a single committee of each House of Congress for amendment or approval. He stated concisely the chief argument for the budget system. There is no real argument against the adoption of a budget system which can be based on public interest. The obstacles in the way of it are those created by long custom and by the difficulties of adapting such a system to American conditions. On these obstacles the President undertook to throw no light. The Presidential indorsement of this reform, which was advocated by Mr. Wilson's Republican predecessor, is welcome to those who believe that this is not a party question.

The President recommended the simplification of the Income and Excess Profits Taxes. On this matter there ought not to be any party division.

The

President furthermore recommended that the subject of foreign commerce, which has been a party question, especially as pertaining to the tariff, should be dealt with solely in consideration of the public interest" in the light of utterly changed conditions." Economic views held during our growth as a Nation are, he intimated, subject to change, now that "American business, is full grown, and that America is the greatest capitalist in the world." In connection with this he said: "If we want to sell, we must be prepared to buy." In particular he asked special consideration for the dyestuff industry, not only because of our former dependence on German supplies, but more especially because of the neces sity of maintaining chemical plants as a measure of military prudence.

Recognizing the essential service of the farmer to the Nation, the President laid before Congress the importance of promoting production, improving marketing, and making rural life attractive and healthful.

Reiterating and quoting what he said in his last message, the President urged

our soldiers to civil life.

THE PRESIDENT ON
INDUSTRIAL UNREST

The subject to which the President devoted most space in his message was that of the cause and cure of industrial unrest. Regarding it as temporary, he nevertheless urged action along several lines. He would increase the power of the Federal Government to deal in its criminal courts with persons who would abrogate our institutions by violence; he would extend at once Federal food control to a period beyond the end of the war; he would prevent abuses in manipulation of the necessaries of life by regulation of inter-State commerce; he would have money appropriated for publicity in food control; he would regulate cold storage by Federal law; and would require goods in inter-State commerce to be marked with the producer's price; he would require Federal license for corporations engaged in inter-State commerce; he urged further constructive measures for removing wrongs which cause dissatisfaction among workers and for the democratization of industry; and pointed to the standards enunciated in the labor section of the Treaty of Versailles; and he would have the Government recognize the right of collective bargaining.

Declaring the right to strike to be inviolate, he placed the right of the Government to protect the people as predominant. As against "direct action" he held up arbitration by an established tribunal as the proper means of settling labor disputes; and in contrast to the road of disorder and revolution he pointed to the road of "justice and orderly process."

A RADICAL CAVE OF ADULLAM

Probably few of the delegates to the recent Labor Party National Convention in Chicago believed that they were to witness the birth of a real political party. Organized labor in this country in the large majority is opposed to working through a separate political party. The fact that in Great Britain there is a powerful Labor Party is due to quite different conditions from those that cbtain here. Not even the Reds should logically want a labor party organized as are the Republican and Democratic parties, for that political system is far removed from soviet ideals.

No; the delegates to this Convention were simply there to ride their hobbies, to find sympathy from other hobbyists, and to exploit their views on all sorts of things through the newspapers. Some of their resolutions are s

th

cussed almost everything. Even industrial questions were touched on now and then, although this Labor Convention nearly forgot them in the flood of debate about the Irish Republic, prohibition, Russia, the desirability of soviet government, Mex ico, free hospitals for every one, the "tyrannical" action of New York's Board of Education in not letting teachers have a week off to come as delegates to the Convention, the high cost of living, Nationalizing coal mines, Governmental news distributing agencies, the abolition of the United States Senate, and many other things.

The "party" has a platform which is chiefly a collection of opinions; it has no candidates as yet, and we venture to assert that its vote will be negligible and will come rather from the "lunatic fringe" and the Anarchists than from the rank and file of labor.

KANSAS FARMERS HIT THE
NAIL ON THE HEAD

The Kansas Board of Agriculture has issued a statement setting forth the attitude of Kansas farmers with regard to agriculture in relation to the country's present industrial and economic condition, which contains much sane and sensible advice. Here is some of it:

Americanism is under attack. Amer ican patriotism is now being tested as never before. The social and industrial unrest which came upon us as a reflex of the great war has permeated our country to an extent which demands the best thought and the sanest action of all Americans.

The one and only remedy for this great unrest is to be found in an increased production in all lines of industry. The nation must go to work to recoup the tremendous losses of the war and so place our agricultural, commercial, and industrial machinery upon a stable basis Capital should be satisfied with a fair return on the investment and the wages of labor so adjusted as to insure a good and comfortable living for the worker.

The American farmer numbers more than thirty millions, and constitutes the largest business element of the country. He is the producer upon whom all de pend for food, and should he be so unpatriotic as to follow the advice of the agitator, he would limit production so as to increase prices and all classes would pay an exorbitant amount for food. The problems which confront us are unpar alleled in our history and can only b met by the patriotism, intelligence, i dustry, and economy of the American people.

The American farmer patriotically does his work. He does not strike. I him lies that stability which will prove the salvation of our country. We challenge capital and labor to stand together. shoulder to shoulder with agriculture, upon the platform of Americanism. Things have not changed much since the author of "Proverbs" wrote, “He timi