made a part and a condition of the resolution of ratification, which ratification is not to take effect or bind the United States until the said following reservations and understandings have been accepted as a part and a condition of said instrument of ratification by at least three of the four principal Allied and associated Powers, to wit: Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan.

When the series of reservations is taken up in its new form, those who wish neither to destroy the Treaty nor to adopt it without explicitly and in unmistakable terms securing American rights and liberty of action have strong hope that either through this programme entire or with modifications in the Senate itself a plan will result which will be voted for by two-thirds of the Senate. Senator Lodge has been reported as claiming that he can count fifty-five sure votes for a reasonable reservation

programme and enough more Democratic

votes on the final resolution to make the necessary two-thirds.

KING AND CARDINAL

At this writing the King of the Belgians and Cardinal Mercier are still both guests of the American people, who are not only giving them both a warm welcome, but are also now showing a disposition to help during the coming years by establishing the Cardinal Mercier Fund for Relief more firmly than ever, by rebuilding at a cost of half a million dollars the Louvain Library, and by opening great credits to Belgian industrialists and merchants.

These movements have been greatly stimulated by the presence in this country of the great prince of the Church and the great prince of the State. They are both also physically notable human figures, for Prelate and King are each over six feet tall. Both have journeyed westward, the King going to the Pacific coast, as he was anxious to repeat his visit there of 1898 and to show the region to his wife and son. Never has there been such a rain of university degrees as has come upon the Cardinal and the King, and this less because of their official eminence at home than because of the charm of their personality-simple, straightforward, human, dignified, but democratic.

LOSSES TO AMERICAN LITERATURE AND

ART

Two recent deaths have left America poorer. Henry M. Alden had for fifty years been the successful editor of "Harper's Magazine," almost, if not quite, the oldest of existing American monthly magazines, the number of which is now truly legion. His sympathy for young writers made him many friends, and he knew how to reject a manuscript without making an enemy. He hunted for a new writer as a naturalist might for a new specimen, in the faith that" the greatest joy in the world to the reading public is to feel the first impact of a new personality."

Charles Lang Freer, of Detroit, was a notable collector of paintings. His

art collection, offered some years ago to the Smithsonian Institution, is remarkable for its unique wealth in modern American painting, the inspiration of which he has shared with the general public. His history was characteristically American, for at the beginning of his industrial life in Indiana he was so poor that he had to cook his own meals.

SUPPORTING THE RED CROSS

The Third Red Cross call has been set for November 2-11. It is for the purpose of securing a general renewal of its vast membership and thereby to secure fifteen million dollars for its future work. In connection with this there has been issued a report by Mr. Henry P. Davison, the Chairman of the Red Cross War Council, giving a final survey of the Red Cross war work. The total amount of contributions in material and money made by the American people and expended by the American Red Cross is

estimated at about four hundred million dollars, the number of Red Cross members at twenty million adults and eleven million children, while eight million workers were engaged in the Red Cross work and the relief articles produced by voluntary workers were over three hundred and seventy million. The Red Cross Base Hospitals now in America, established during the war, will be held intact for peace-time service and for special emergencies, and the League of Red Cross Societies is perfecting its organization and has already established headquarters at Geneva.

PROHIBITION ENFORCEMENT

Congress passed on October 10 a bill providing regulations for the enforcement of both war-time prohibition and the prohibition Constitutional amendment, the latter of which goes into effect on January 16. This bill the President vetoed on the ground that the bill had "to do with the enforcement of an Act which was passed by reason of the emergencies of the war and whose objects have been satisfied in the demobilization of the Army and Navy and whose repeal I have already sought at the hands of Congress. Where the purposes of particular legislation arising out of war emergency have been satisfied, sound public policy makes clear the reason and necessity for repeal." To this the President's critics reply that in describing the situation which would arise if a coal strike occurred the President has said: "The country is confronted with this prospect at a time when the war itself is still a fact, when the world is still in suspense as to negotiations for peace, when our troops are still being transported." This prohibition enforcement bill was promptly repassed over the President's veto by the House and Senate. It has come in for serious and just criticism from the National Civil Service Reform League on the ground that it exempts from the jurisdiction of the Civil Service Commission "persons authorized to issue permits and agents and instructors in the

field service" whose offices are created under this law.

ROOSEVELT MEMORIAL WEEK

The week of October 20-27 was Roosevelt Week all over the country, and culminated in notable memorial exercises on October 27, the sixty-first anniversary of Theodore Roosevelt's birth. The National Roosevelt Memorial Association, aided by State and local committees, carried on in this week a campaign to secure members and to raise a fund of $5,000,000 for permanent National memorials. The plans, although not completely formulated, were lately stated by ex-Senator Elihu Root to be:

First, to improve land at Oyster Bay for a Roosevelt Memorial Park.

Second, to erect a monumental memorial in Washington to rank with the Washington Monument and the Lincoln Memorial.

Third, to establish a Roosevelt Foundation to carry on Colonel Roosevelt's spirit of Americanism and keep alive his uncompromising patriotism.

It is of immense significance to note that men of all parties and factions joined in the tributes to Mr. Roosevelt. Never in our history since Lincoln's death has there been such a universal outpouring of heartfelt admiration for an American statesman's nobility of character, stanchness, and patriotism.

UNIVERSITY ENDOWMENTS

A bright event, in a month in which has occurred much that is discouraging, is seen in the successful college drives. Harvard was the first to start a campaign for the raising of several million dollars as an addition to its unrestricted funds. It was soon followed by Princeton, by Cornell, by New York University, and by others. In these campaigns there has been not only emulation but intercollegiate co-operation. Yale men have contributed to Harvard; Harvard men have contributed to Princeton; to all the funds have come contributions from men of no college who value what the colleges are doing. Harvard's aim is $15,250,000; Princeton's is $14,325,000. The first announcement of the progress of the Harvard fund was on October 2. Before the end of the month the contributions amounted to more than $8,000,000. Elsewhere in this issue we point out some of the important ends which these funds will serve.

THE AIR RACE

On October 8 forty-nine airmen left Roosevelt Field, Mineola, Long Island, New York, for a round trip to San Francisco and return, and fifteen airmen left San Francisco on a similar transcontinental jaunt. Lieutenant Belvin W. Maynard, a minister, who entered the flying service during the war, was the first man to complete the transcontinental journey, reaching New York October 18, having flown westward in 25 hours 28 minutes and 26 seconds, and eastward in 24 hours 45 minutes and 8 seconds of

-tual flying. Other machines have since mpleted the double flight, but the tual winner under the rules of the const, which was conducted under the ausces of the American Air Service with e co-operation of the American Flying lub, has not yet been determined as we to press. The transcontinental flight used the loss of nine lives from among e pilots and observers in the sixty-four articipating machines. The majority of e machines in the race were De Havind 4's with Liberty motors.

ENCIRCLING THE BOLSHEVIKI

The past month has seen extended and opeful offensives against the power of e Bolshevist leaders. There were even -ports that Petrograd and Kronstadt ad fallen or were on the point of lling. These reports were not fully conrmed, and in the last week of October e indications were, as stated in the espatches, that the approach of cold eather makes the likelihood of the imediate capture of Petrograd doubtful. eneral Yudenitch, who commands the my of the Northwestern Russians, at he time occupied Tsarkoye Selo, and ereby almost cut off the Bolshevist capal from its communications with its

main army. On the other part of the semicircle which has been drawing around the Bolshevist central position General Denikine has made notable gains and has alternated with the enemy in possession of Kiev. On October 25 Denikine was reported to be attacking on a seven-hundred-mile front.

General Yudenitch has sprung into sudden prominence by his fine handling of the advance from the northwest, although on October 28 his advance is reported to be checked. He is in hearty alliance with the All-Russian Government at Omsk. Lately he issued a constructive programme which is also an indictment of Bolshevism. In it he says:

The Bolsheviki, as may be expected from them, will tell you that ours is a Government of capitalists and landowners or of "social traitors." Place no trust in them, for the Bolsheviki are lying and deceiving you and they are only maintaining themselves by chicanery and lies and your credulity.

We are a Government not of capitalists and the landed gentry. Our Government is composed of men in public life, of representatives of all classes and of all the strata of the population. The régime of Czarism is as hateful to us as it is to you, and no return to it is possible.

Another false report in the earlier part of October was that Riga had been captured by German forces acting with some Russians. An attack was made, but it failed. The so-called Western Russians under Colonel Bermondt, who have been aided by Germans from General von der Goltz's army, pretend to be anti-Bolshevist but do not want the Baltic countriesEsthonia, Latvia, and Courland-to have autonomy but to form part of a single Russian empire. Their sympathies are autocratic and they are themselves more or less German in origin. With them have fought men and officers from the German army left in the Baltic region after the armistice. The Letts and Esthonians in and near Riga have fought these "Western Russians" and at the same time have been aiding the army of Yudenitch against the Bolsheviki. Germany has renounced responsibility for its soldiers who have been aiding the attack upon Russia, alleging that they are really colonists. Germany has also recalled General von der Goltz. To most observers this singular "little war" looks like an attempt by Germany to make trouble and stir up strife in the hope that she may ultimately gain force and influence in Russia.

HE occasions which excite a man's anger afford an excellent indication his character. He may be slow to exress his admiration, but in anger expreson is apt to come before reflection. As rom the heat of water bubbling to the rface in a spring one perceives the nderground heat, so from the fire that ashes from the eye or the hot words at leap from the lips one perceives the assion beneath the surface. One need ot look at the catalogue for the title of Hogarth's famous picture "The Disressed Musician;" the angry face that oks out upon the babel of sounds which sue from the London street is unmiskably that of one keenly sensitive to scord.

Theodore Roosevelt was extraordinarily atient-except with injustice. That he ever could endure. Whether the injustice as against himself or against others made o difference. Whether the evil it inflicted as little or great, whether it was perpeated by an individual, a group, or a ation, made little difference. It was the rong, not the consequences of the wrong, hich inflamed his resentment. It might e a cowboy in his employ putting the Loosevelt brand on a calf that had rayed from its owner's herd; it might e Colombia which endeavored by one nd the same transaction to cheat France nd blackmail America-his wrath was repressible and its expression in action

instantaneous and efficient. The cowboy could not comprehend the reason for his instant discharge; and there were statesmen and editors who could not understand the instant recognition of Panama's independence. Both the cowboy and the critics were insensitive to injustice if it promised to succeed.

To those who cannot understand the divine command, "Abhor that which is evil," the statement that Mr. Roosevelt's passionate resentment of injustice was the secret of his poise will seem incomprehensible. Nevertheless the statement is hensible. Nevertheless the statement is true. He was equally indignant at the mob which hanged a defenseless Negro without giving him a trial and at the Negro troop which ran amuck through a peaceful Southern town; equally indignant at the denial of the right of every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, whether the denial came from a labor union or from a modern feudal overlord. If he were living with us now, he would be equally ready to condemn Bolshevism and to condemn the autocracy which has cultivated Bolshevism in Russia and sown the seeds of the same horrible harvest in the United States; equally ready to condemn the men who are attacking the moral foundations of civilized society and to condemn the men who would take advantage of this attack to re-establish and reinforce the wrongs which made that attack possible.

HE OUTLOOK has received several

Tletters taking exception to certain

things in the article entitled "Turkey in Decay," by Mr. Gregory Mason, published in the issue of September 17. The limita tions of space prevent the publication of these letters in full. One of them points out that Mr. Mason was mistaken when he said:

"In Samsoon alone there were before the war two hundred and fifty thousand Greeks."

"Certainly I was mistaken in that statement," says our staff correspondent. "I find that in my note-book I wrote, 'In the Samsoon coastal region alone there were before the war 250,000 Greeks.' The stupid omission of the phrase coastal region occurred when I made the transposition from the penciled notes to the typewriter."

In general, however, the exceptions taken to the article in question are apparently made in the belief that our staff correspondent in trying to be fair to the Turks has been unfair to the Armenians. It does not seem to us that a careful reading of the article warrants this conclusion. Take the following paragraph, which is pointed to as evidence of the

discrimination against Armenians of which some of our readers feel that Mr. Mason has been guilty :

"No fair-minded man will defend the massacres of Armenians by Turks, but neither will he defend such atrocities as Armenians sometimes commit against Turks when they get the upper hand."

The italicized words were not italicized in the original article, but they are important words in that paragraph. They indicate clearly that Mr. Mason does not believe that the Armenians are guilty to the same degree as the Turks of outrages against civilization. What he had in mind particularly were acts of individual Armenians who were fighting the Turks in the southern Caucasus and in the region of Erzerum in co-operation with the Russians. Russians themselves, as well as Americans and Britons, have testified that such atrocities were committed.

The chief complaint of our correspondents is against Mr. Mason's report of criticism of some traits of Armenian character expressed to him by missionaries. We can only say that here the complaint properly lies against the missionaries who uttered this criticism and sionaries who uttered this criticism and not against The Outlook. One of the

men who expressed such views to Mr. Mason is a man of long experience in mission work in the Near East, who is at present holding a position of high responsibility. That not all missionaries hold such views is indicated by a number of letters which we have received. One of them is from Dr. Ernest W. Riggs, President of Euphrates College, at Harput, Armenia, who writes:

"In twenty-three years in Turkey I have visited missionary homes in sixteen different cities throughout the northern, eastern, and southern parts of the Empire, and, without exception, wherever I have seen Armenian servants employed it is with perfect confidence in their integrity. In each case has the home been as open to them as to servants in any American home which I have visited."

Mr. Mason has not advocated, and does not advocate, that the United States "desert Armenia," as one letter received from a reader charges. In the article in question he pointed out how important i is to "prevent the Turks from bullying other peoples." He concurs with the opin ion of those who believe that America would do well to accept a mandate to take under her protection Armenia with Turkey.

want their

nature of those ideals if we contrast them

believe them worth preserving? Do they think their services in helping to form and maintain American ideals entitle them to further lease of life?

That the American college has been one of the chief factors in forming the character of the Nation there can be no manner of doubt. In a booklet issued by Middlebury College the following evidence on this point is conclusive:

Less than one per cent of American men are college graduates. Yet this one per cent has furnished:

55 per cent of our Presidents.
36 per cent of the Members of Con-
gress.

47 per cent of the Speakers of the
House.

54 per cent of the Vice-Presidents.

62 cent of the Secretaries of State.
per
50 per cent of the Secretaries of the
Treasury.

67

per cent of the Attorneys-General. 69 per cent of the Justices of the Supreme Court.

Though comparatively few went to college at that time, fifty per cent of the men composing the Constitutional Convention were college-bred.

Have the ideals and traditions that colleges and universities have transmitted through the generations been such that Americans who love their country wish to see the transmission continued through generations to come? Those traditions and ideals have just been subject to the bloody test of war, and we know how they have stood. We can understand the

232

sity with which they clashed. In Germany the universities committed themselves and brought the mass of the people to a belief in a code of international and public morals that brought on the World War. There the universities were the means by which Prussianism gained its sway over the minds of the German people. It has been sometimes said that American colleges have been molded (especially in recent years) by German ideas. It is true that in many institutions German methods were copied, just as in our factories German tools have been used and German laboratory practices have been employed; but that German educational ideals or objects ever found root in American colleges was disproved long before America entered the war. By the score and hundred American undergraduates, in advance of the mass of their fellow-countrymen, volunteered to fight against the things that German universities had inculcated, and in many cases these undergraduates gave their lives.

And when the war came to America the record of the colleges shows that the traditions and ideals they had maintained had fitted their students not only to perform their duty to their country but to accept it eagerly. It was not possible for every class in every college to equal the record of the class of 1917 at Williams, which graduated one hundred and three men. Of these it is recorded that one was in the public service and was not allowed to resign, one was a cripple in

capacitated for full service in the Army or Navy but nevertheless drove an ambulance in connection with an Army camp. and all the rest, one hundred and one, entered the military service of the Nation. Exceptional as the record of that class was, it was typical of the spirit in the college students of the country. College greens and dormitories were all but deserted until they were reoccupied by men in khaki and navy blue. It is idle to rehearse the story. It is known throughout the land.

Why did the colleges so respond? Because they had through all the years preserved faith in the principles for which the English-speaking peoples have been willing to fight whenever they have been imperiled. American colleges have the same inheritance as American common law and American free institutions.

This explains such a record as that of Harvard, for example. Of Harvard's graduates over 10,600 served in the armed or auxiliary forces of the United States and Associated Powers, and in every branch of those armed or auxiliary forces were to be found Harvard graduates and members of Harvard's faculties.

In the face of such a record, what do we as a people do in recognition of th services of those who carry on these coleges? Governor Coolidge, of Massa chusetts, a graduate of Amherst, has answered tersely in an address he deliv ered at the last Commencement at Harvard: "We compensate liberally the manufacturer and the merchant; but w fail to appreciate those who guard the

inds of our youth or those who preside ver our congregations. We have lost our everence for the profession of teaching nd bestowed it upon the profession of cquiring."

Harvard graduates have been stirred y the facts that have been brought to heir attention. They have learned that he scale of payment to the instructing ody at Harvard has not changed since 905; that the highest payment possible o a Professor is $5,500, and that is paid only a very few; that a man after pending seven years or more in college nd university preparation receives only 1,200 a year; that there are men teachng at Harvard who after spending thouands of dollars in preparing themselves o teach are getting what a man can get with a pick and shovel. They have learned hat the services which the country has eceived from Harvard have been renlered because to the very men who have endered them fair recompense has been lenied; that, as it has been stated, here is in Harvard's accounts "an inisible moral deficit of $600,000 a year, net by the self-sacrifice of a loyal, underaid teaching staff." They have learned hat besides this invisible deficit (consist

ing of moral debt to its teachers) there has been an annual deficit met by funds which ought to have been used for expansion; and that these funds, free for such use, which remain, are dangerously low. They have learned that Harvard's funds are, for the most part, restricted to definite objects; that a new building, for example, which ought to be an asset, is in a sense a liability, because there are no funds, or very limited funds, which can be spent in making the building useful. They have learned that the tuition fee has been raised to $200 a year in order to increase the amount of unrestricted funds, and that this increase in the cost of education at Harvard is likely to limit Harvard's usefulness by discouraglimit Harvard's usefulness by discouraging attendance on the part of students of limited means.

For this reason there is under way a movement to raise fifteen million dollars of unrestricted funds for Harvard, and as much more as possible. It is not merely for Harvard College. Harvard University is a great federation of institutions of which Harvard College is only one. At Harvard are what is generally acknowledged to be the greatest law school in the country, one of the three or four greatest medical

schools, a new and successful School of Business Administration aiming to train men for business as a profession, a group of schools devoted to agriculture and botany, the astronomical observatory which from its foundation has led in astronomical research, the greatest university library in America and one of the greatest in the world, a group of great museums to some degree administered by unpaid men, a divinity school, engineering, architectural, dental, and other graduate schools. The reasonable needs of this great group of institutions would call for a fund of twenty-six million dollars. The summary of Harvard's needs has been drawn up in detail, and can be had of the Harvard Endowment Fund, 165 Broadway, New York City. The facts there stated should appeal not only to Harvard graduates but to all who value what American colleges and universities have done for America, and who remember that that record was begun by Harvard nearly three hundred years ago, and that to-day Harvard is not only the oldest American college but is as distinctively and typically American in its ideals and traditions as it was when it was founded by those who were also founders of the Nation.

IN

N June, 1912, I had the great honor of accompanying Colonel Roosevelt to he Republican and Progressive Conventions held at Chicago. It seemed as though every one in the West, from cowboy to Governor, from statesman to ward leader, was inspired with the one ambition of meeting the Colonel. It was one of my duties to arrange the schedule of appointments-of delegates, committees, and individuals whom either Colonel Roosevelt wanted to see, or for political reasons should see, each day. In the midst of one of the most crowded hours, when all of the rooms of the Colonel's official suite were packed with men eagerly men eagerly awaiting their turn, and with the hall seething with a yelling horde of enthusiastic Roosevelt followers, I was hastily summoned to the door, and found myself confronted with a man of quiet demeanor, with steady keen eye, black mustache, spare of figure, commanding in appearance, wearing a black Stetson hat, unruffled by the crowd surging about him, who said, simply, "Tell Colonel Roosevelt Seth Bullock's here." I was familiar enough with the name, although I had never met Captain Bullock, to feel warranted in disturbing Colonel Roosevelt, who was in conference with his campaign manager, Senator Dixon, and to deliver the message. With a shout the Colonel jumped to his feet and with the enthusiasm of a boy cried out, with similar exclamations from two of his sons who were present, "Seth Bullock's here!"

For the moment the cares of the cam

BY TRAVERS D. CARMAN

paign fell from Mr. Roosevelt's shoulders as he and Seth Bullock renewed their youth in reminiscences of cow-punching days along the Little Missouri River. And from time to time throughout those strenuous days and nights Seth Bullock would invariably "report" at the psychological moment when the strain was bearing down hardest on Mr. Roosevelt to bring to the Colonel a message of the plains, refresh him with the wholesomeness of the spirit of the great out-ofdoors, and thus serve his chief in this simple but most effective way.

And now Captain Seth Bullock is dead. On September 24 he followed the spirit of Theodore Roosevelt, his friend and ideal.

We read only too often of the lawlessness of the West in its early history, and yet no finer type of rugged, fearless men lived and fought and died than those who dominated the settlement, reclamation, and development of the Black Hills and Bad Lands of North and South Dakota, and who so unselfishly devoted their lives to the winning over of this tragic wilder ness to the land of order, prosperity, and enchantment.

Sylvane Ferris and Arthur W. Merrifield, partners of Colonel Roosevelt on his Chimney Butte and Elkhorn ranches; Joe Ferris, brother of Sylvane, who was with the Colonel when he shot his first buffalo in 1883 on the Little Missouri River south of Medora, North Dakota; Seth Bullock, the "best Marshal South Dakota ever had," captain in the Cowboy

Regiment during the Spanish-American War, and owner of a ranch at Belle Fourche, South Dakota, when first he met Colonel Roosevelt in 1884, stand out prominently among the many who were so closely identified with the Black Hills and the Bad Lands history.

In commenting editorially on Seth Bullock the Chicago "Tribune" says:

It may be said that but for Roosevelt Seth Bullock would have remained unsung. Agreed. But without Roosevelt's friendship Bullock would have been the same kind of a man, neither shirking his responsibilities nor seeking a reflected glory. Bullock was Roosevelt's friend because he was Bullock.

CAPTAIN BULLOCK'S EARLIER HISTORY

Captain Seth Bullock was born in Windsor, Ontario, in 1849, and in early manhood came to the United States as one of the first settlers of the city of Helena, Montana Territory. In 1870 he was nominated by the Republican party as their candidate for Assemblyman, but was defeated. In 1871 he was elected State Senator from Helena, the largest city of the Territory of Montana. He thus enjoyed the distinction of being the first Canadian ever elected in Montana to any position of trust, and, since the Governor and Secretary were appointed by the President, Mr. Bullock received the highest honors the Territorial electors. could confer.

In 1876 Seth Bullock accompanied the first gold prospectors from Montana

into the Black Hills, and shortly thereafter established a hardware business on the site of what is now known as Deadwood. This is in Lawrence County, on the western border of South Dakota, in the midst of the Black Hills.

His record in Montana was such that he was made the first Federal peace officer of the Black Hills, and afterward, under warrant from Governor Pennington, of the Territory of Dakota, he became Marshal and Sheriff of the Deadwood District.

As Marshal and Sheriff he was credited with ridding the district of road agents and bad men and with the inauguration of good government. He was noted for his justice and fearlessness, facing death, hardship, and danger with great unconcern.

Seth Bullock came into prominence in 1878, when he was called upon to suppress trouble at the Hidden Treasure Mine in Hidden Treasure Gulch, near Lead City, where now is located the Homestake Mine, said to be the richest gold mine in the world. Twenty of the miners working there went in to hold the mine until they were paid off. Sheriff Seth Bullock was summoned to get them out, and was shot at repeatedly by the miners whenever he exposed himself to view. Guarding the mine personally, he sent for a company of cavalry, and upon their arrival lowered burning sulphur into the mine, smoking the men out into the hands of the Federal troopers who awaited their exit. Thus, through the prompt and efficient action of Sheriff Bullock, bloodshed was avoided, the miners were taken into custody, and order was restored.

In addition to his hardware business at Deadwood, Captain Bullock became interested in horse and cattle raising, and purchased large tracts of land on the False Bottom and Belle Fourche Rivers. He is, in fact, credited with bringing to South Dakota and successfully raising on his farm at Belle Fourche the first alfalfa introduced into that State-a crop that was later destined to add greatly to the wealth of the State.

BLACK HILLS HISTORY

The Black Hills Forest Reservation was acquired by the Government in 1877, and through the efforts of Captain Bullock was eventually made to include all of the Black Hills located in South Dakota and extending for some four or five miles into northeastern Wyoming.

In 1900 it was rumored that the Indiana political ring were seeking to use their influence with President McKinley to secure the appointment of an Indiana man as Forest Supervisor of the Black Hills Reserve. The friends of Seth Bullock, without his knowledge but with the aid of Colonel Roosevelt, who had just been elected Vice-President and heartily believed in the appointment of a Black Hills man for the position, were successful in securing the appointment of Captain Bullock, who was finally persuaded to accept the office. "As soon as

I was appointed," said Seth Bullock, "Washington commenced to send a lot of dudes out here as Forest Rangers. I didn't want them. I wanted Forest Rangers who could sleep out in the open with or without a blanket, put out a fire, and catch a horse thief, and I wrote the Colonel about it." The Vice-President took the matter up with Secretary of

SETH BULLOCK

Photographed on the steps of the Kensington
Museum, in London, in 1910

the Interior Hitchcock, and in characteristic fashion advised him that he thought Seth Bullock was right, and to let him run it his own way. Needless to add, the Secretary did so.

In 1905 Seth Bullock was appointed Marshal of South Dakota by Colonel Roosevelt, who was then President; he Roosevelt, who was then President; he was reappointed in 1909 by President Taft, and was continued in office for one year under President Wilson.

MY LAST VISIT WITH SETH BULLOCK

Sent out by The Outlook to attend the dedication of Mount Theodore Roosevelt, at Deadwood, South Dakota, on July Fourth of this year, I had many talks with Seth Bullock and learned from his own lips of the love that he bore the Colonel.

Sitting in my room at the Hotel Franklin in Deadwood, I listened absorbed to the tales of the early days of the Black Hills, of Indian uprisings and massacres, of brave deeds grown common through daily occurrence, of anecdotes of the Colonel without end. Said Captain Bullock: "The first time I saw Colonel Roosevelt I thought he was a tin-horn gambling sport, a tenderfoot from the East who had come out to the Bad Lands to recover from the evil effects of the fast pace of the East. But I soon learned my mistake."

Speaking further of the Colonel, he said: "I remember these two expressions of his and how well they describe his point of view:

"Be many-sided, but four-square to all the world."

"Be ready to do your duty when you see it and as you see it.'"

In speaking of the trip which he made with President Roosevelt and John Burroughs to the Yellowstone National Park in 1903, Mr. Bullock laughingly remarked that "either would chase a snowbird clear from the Yellowstone to the Arctic Circle if the interests of science could be served thereby."

My good friend Hermann Hagedorn, the author of "The Boy's Life of Theodore Roosevelt" and a member of the Executive Committee of the Roosevelt Memorial Association, writes me as follows: "Mr. Smith, who was my secretary on my trip West, recently sent in to me the notes he took of Captain Seth Bullock's conversation in your room at the Hotel Franklin the night before the dedication of Mount Theodore Roosevelt at Deadwood, South Dakota, on July 4 last. I cannot make use of this material in the book I am now writing, though I am quite sure that I shall want to use it or a good part of it later. However, it may help to refresh your memory and you are welcome to any part of it." And I wish to acknowledge hereby his timely aid to my uncertain memory for what I am about to relate.

"When Mr. Roosevelt came out at Khartum, Egypt, from his African hunting trip," said Seth Bullock, "he wired me to join him in London; the Colonel said he wanted some fellow over there that could help him laugh, and I was elected.

"Upon my arrival, seeing that the Colonel was being overworked by his many official engagements of state, I de cided that he needed relaxation with some plain chap he didn't have to bother about, so I walked him over the Thames River Bridge. Casting about for a humorous diversion, I noticed that the river was at extremely low tide, and knowing also that the Thames was to an Englishman what the Mississippi or the Hudson is to an American, I waited until a particularly haughty-looking Englishman with a carefully adjusted monocle ap proached, and, without an inkling to the Colonel of what I intended to do, asked if he could tell me the name of the creek. The pitying, pained, and bored way in which the Englishman replied, "That, my good fellow, is our river Thames," served its purpose and kept the Colonel chuckling for the remainder of the day.

"On another occasion," said Captain Bullock, "when sailing up the Thames with a duke or a lord, I forget which, I asked to whom the swans which were swimming in the river belonged. Oh," said the duke or lord, 'to the Crown, of course.' How can you tell the King's swans from any one else's?' I asked. Do you have a round-up?' 'Oh, yes

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