famous organ appeared little in his eyes; both in tone and compass it was surpassed by an instrument of the same kind, which he had seen at Minorca. But it was also in this place that he met with one of the most interesting living lions which his searches had yet detected, in the person of the ex-King of Sweden. Some account of this personage will not be unacceptable to the reader :

'He is said to be subject to some very sudden fits of excitement, which break out after whole weeks of uninterrupted composure; on which occasions he will often abruptly abscond from his lodgings, and be heard of no more until he has established himself elsewhere. In a sudden squall of this sort he once electrified a table d'hôte from top to bottom; and, no doubt, the consternation of strangers unapprised of the peculiarities of their fellow-guest, must have been somewhat easier felt than described.

Gustavusson passes the whole of his mornings in his bed-room solus. Here he takes his meals, and occupies himself with his books, for which he has a passion, until noon, when he sallies forth for his diurnal walk, wrapped in a veteran blue great-coat, which, like its wearer, had seen better days. My first sight of his ex-majesty was in this ungainly plight; still, there was that about him which he could not entirely conceal, and which satisfied me that he was no ordinary person. In fact, if you did not discern him to be a king, it was impossible to mistake that he was every inch a gentleman.

The present government of this country allows him ten thousand florins a-year, over and above which, the maitre d'hôtel wherever he takes up his quarters has an order to present no bill to him for any charge he may incur. Of this arrangement he knows nothing, or he would be furious, and therefore regularly insists on paying for every thing as he gets it; and that he may be able to do so without the risk of running short, he contents himself with the simplest and least expensive fare. What a lesson for vanity! Recollect, reader, we are all this time speaking of the descendant of Charles the Twelfth, the head of iron. That this poor exile recollects what he was, and what he is, we cannot possibly doubt. As his memory on other passages of his eventful life seems minutely faithful, there is no ground for any conjecture that he does not feel as keenly as other men the reverse of his circumstances. The acts which drove him to this unhappy state, we all know, were those of a bedlamite; but what are the acts of any other given ruler who abuses his trust? To the very letter, he was a king, according to the definition left us by the Roman historian: Nam impunè quæ libet facere, id est ragem esse. To be sure, at the present day the impunè begins to be dispensed with in some places, and, with God's blessing, it will in others; yet more than a trusty legitimate, poor Gustavusson was neither in word nor in deed, that might have pleaded the most prescriptive indulgence ftom precedent, past and present. Such was the extreme hauteur of this now fallen and humbled monarch in the day of his power, that neither age, sex, nor station, were permitted to be seated in his presence. His case, if I recollect right, was one of the earliest-certainly one of the most emphatic-in our time, proving that public opinion is not to be trifled with; while the steady affection which the people continue to bear towards his successor, is not less an evidence of their competency to judge correctly how far they feel bound, and are resigned to submit, when their interests are

really attended to. Yet is the fiend that haunted his prosperous days not exorcised. It appears, that after whole weeks of the most even and amiable affability, the poor gentleman becomes seized with a paroxym of his ancient dignity, when he wraps himself up in the closest reserve, and condescends to no one. It seems difficult to say whether these attacks ought to be regarded as lucid intervals, or as the recurrence of his malady.

'I ought to have made one exception, when I spoke of the indiscriminate nature of his majesty's affability; no inducement under heaven can prevail over his objection to hold communion, for a single instant, with one of his own countrymen, for each and every of whom he entertains the most settled and irrevocable abhorrence. The very name of Swede is gall and wormwood. With the exception of the slip about the fish giving Dutchmen the cholera, I was unable to detect in any one instance the smallest trip in his judgment, though it is said that he does now and then make some rather ludicrous mistakes. He lately gave it as his grave opinion, that the Dutch might enrich their country by including sand in their exports to Sweden, where it is much wanted for agricultural purposes.'-pp. 62-65.

In the range of his inquiries during his travels on the continent, Sir Arthur Faulkner has very properly comprehended the political state of Germany. At the present moment it is peculiarly interesting to trace the progress which constitutional liberty is making in that country, and to speculate on the chances which are presented of success to that eternal cause. At present, the only states where the semblance of a government on constitutional principles exists, are Darmstadt, Bavaria, Wurtemburg, Grand Duchy of Baden, Saxe Weimar, Mecklenburg (both), Brunswick, together with Nassau. In Saxe Altenburg and Saxe Meinengen, and several other principalities, offers have been made of constitutions, and the people of Hanover and Saxony have now nearly succeeded in obtaining so desirable a blessing for themselves.

In those states, where there is a constitution in actual practice, the course of legislation is very extensively in the hands of the representative chambers. A bill is generally originated in the lower house, but there are peculiar rules of relation between the two which must prove very inconvenient to the progress of business. The sovereign in these states can create peers either hereditary, or merely for life. Lately the King of Bavaria had a creation for life, having been pushed by the old parliament in the matter of the supplies. The princes in the Protestant states unite the spiritual with the secular supremacy; in the Catholic states, the sectaries have the freest exercise of their religion, no distinction in political life being made on the score of religion. Clergymen, of all persuasions, may sit in the chambers; in Nassau and Darmstadt they are only admitted into the chamber of deputies, whilst in Bavaria and Wurtemberg they are eligible to both. In Austria alone is the philanthropist doomed to disappointment, in seeking

throughout the German dominions the elements of moral amelioration, which are in almost every other of the states so happily abundant. Here the condition of the people is hopeless, for it has been one of the criminal devices of the immediate government to extirpate from the minds of the population every feeling almost that is worthy of our nature. From Germany the author makes a parenthetical visit in spirit to his native England, there to discuss the vices of the feudal domination, which are still connected with the pretensions of our aristocracy. Returning to his tour in Germany, he invites us to the state of Baden, and the peculiarities by which that division is physically and politically distinguished. The arrangements for paupers in Baden is quite on a par with those of the best states in Germany. The communes respectively support their own poor by voluntary subscription, beggars are, therefore, seldom seen, at least that description of them who are prevented by infirmity from supporting themselves. The practice which forms so objectionable a feature in the administration of the English poor laws, that of permitting a pauper to migrate from one parish to another, and in the latter to obtain a settlement, does not exist in Baden, or, we believe, in any part of Germany: ten years residence are necessary to qualify a pauper for partaking the parochial allowance.

The punishment of crime in Germany has been frequently adverted to, for the sound principles on which the penal code is adjusted. The policy of the state, in the first place, provides against the frequency of crime, by extending the benefits of education as widely as the community to which it is afforded. Thus the numerous class amongst the lower orders of this country, whose age is from ten to fifteen years, are at present almost destitute of any security against the most corrupting temptations, while the analogous portion of the Baden community is engaged in improving their minds. Petty offences are punished with hard labour, and more serious crimes with the travail forcé. treme sentence of the law is decollation, which is executed by the sword. Capital punishments are rare, but the discipline established in the prisons secures the grand object of classification, and consequently the separation of those prisoners who might spread moral contamination amongst those less guilty than themselves.

The ex

We are unable to follow our author to the close of his journey, although from the commencement we have followed him pretty closely in his career. His return to Brussels, however, enables him to make many observations on the Belgians, a few of which, as having reference to present events, may deserve attention.

The constitution of Belgium being one which is likely to be stationary, and it being desirable that a new state, just starting into existence, should be watched in its progress, we feel that it will be advantageous to those who take an interest in political philosophy,

to present to them the following summary of the leading principles of that constitution:

• The members of both chambers represent the nation at large, and not merely a province, or subdivision of a province, for which they may be returned. The chamber of deputies is composed of members, who pay of taxes the sum of one hundred florins a-year, (elected immediately by the people). The elective qualification is from twenty to thirty florins in the country, and from thirty-five to eighty florins in the towns. The ratio of the returned numbers is one deputy to forty thousand of the population.

A deputy must be a Belgian by birth, or naturalised, be in the full enjoyment of civil and political rights, have attained the age of twentyfive, and a resident in the kingdom. The elections take place every four years, one-half of the whole number of representatives being renewed every second.

Each deputy has an allowance of twenty florins a-day during the sitting of the chambers, provided he is not a resident in the town where they hold their sessions. The late king was more liberal, allowing 2,500 florins annually to each deputy as long as he continued in the representation, and 3,000 florins to each of the senators, or members of the first chamber.

The members of the senate are likewise chosen according to a fixed ratio of population, and are elected by the same persons who return the members of the other house. The congress came to this arrangement to provide against the undue influence of the crown, and the attempts of party. The aggregate number of the senate is only one-half that of the second chamber, and are elected every eight years, one-half being replaced every four. The senator must likewise be a Belgian, enjoy civil and political rights, and have attained his fortieth year. His qualification in direct taxes is one thousand florins. Senators receive no remuneration in any shape, either directly or indirectly, for their services. The heir-apparent, or presumptive, of the king, is a senator in his own right, after he has attained his eighteenth year, but has no voice in the deliberations of the assembly until he has reached the age of twenty-five.

No member of either house receiving a salary, or holding any place under government, can retain his seat a moment, and can only be reseated by a new election.

At the commencement of every session, the chambers respectively nominate their president and vice-president, and form the bureau.

All debates are carried on in public, though on some extraordinary occasions there is a power vested in each chamber to resolve itself into a secret committee, on the motion of the president and six of the members. It then decides, by a majority of votes, whether the debate shall be resumed in public on the same question. In his late majesty's time the sittings of the chamber of representatives were all held with closed doors.

The votes are signified by the posture of standing or sitting, unless five members should agree to call for a vivá voce vote.

Each chamber has a right to propose amendments on the separate clauses of any bill brought before it. The late constitution required it should be carried or rejected in the lump.

VOL. I. (1833) No. 1.

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If either chamber entertains a doubt of the correctness of any statement made by ministers, it has a droit d'enquête to examine into the truth of the fact.

The royal succession is exclusively in the male line.

The king cannot assume the sovereignty of any other state without consent of both chambers. His person is inviolable, and his ministers responsible. It will be recollected by those who have paid any attention to the causes which led to the revolution, that the refusal of the late king to allow of this responsibility was one of the chief objections urged by his discontented subjects. No act of his present majesty can have effect unless counter-signed by a minister, who becomes in consequence responsible. His majesty has the same power as the English monarch of appointing and dismissing his ministers at will.

The king commands the land and sea forces, proclaims war and makes peace, and concludes treaties of commerce and alliance. His power, however, to plunge the country wantonly into war is controlled, as with us, by the authority of the chambers, in refusing the supplies, or the payment of the expenses incurred by such war. He can dissolve the parliament when he will but a new election must take place in the course of two months afterwards. He cannot proclaim a longer adjournment than one month.

'His majesty's ministers are required to be Belgians by birth, or to be naturalised subjects, and must only not be of the royal family. They have a right to speak in both chambers and either of the chambers has authority to cite their attendance when they may deem it necessary.

His majesty has no power to show favour to a condemned minister, unless at the special request of one of the chambers.

'As to titles of honour, the king may exercise his discretion in conferring them; but has no power to attach any privileges thereto; and in conferring military honours, he is governed by the strict letter of law.

There are no privileges belonging to the nobility but that of being enrolled in the equestrian order.

The civil list is settled at the commencement of each reign.

'No taxes can be levied but in strict conformity to law. Those for the service of the state are voted annually. No pension or benefit of any sort, at the expense of the public treasury, can be granted but according to law.

'Law trials are conducted by jury in all criminal matters, and for all political offences of the press; pending which trials the doors cannot be closed, unless by an unanimous vote of court.

The judges are independent. No judge can be deprived of his office, or superseded, excepting he has had a fair trial.

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The king ratifies and promulgates all laws in the Gazette (bulletin officiel), which are in force eleven days after their being so promulgated. The Belgian constitution is bottomed on the principle, that all power emanates from the people; the only condition exacted being, that this power shall be exercised in the manner pointed out by the charter. Thus the sovereignty of the people becomes the unalterable loi fondamentale of the kingdom. The divine right of kings, by the grace of God, is a profanation held in abhorrence, and has no existence in the Belgian charter. Every subject, no matter how humble, has a right of petition to the public authorities, if it be presented with either one or more signatures. The people may, with a perfect regard to the spirit and letter of their charter, form themselves into assemblies for deliberation or discussion. Voilà,"

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