to the wishes of Catholic Ireland? How uninterruptedly his conduct was arraigned in the public prints! How victorionsly his arguments were refuted! How grating to the Irish ear the name of Milner sounded! His ́ danger of being burned in effigy, &c. &c. And all this, though he was a Bishop, i. e. a member of an order, which is not respected so much by any people on earth, as it is by the brave sons and the fair daughters of Erin. Is Charles Butler, Esq. Englishman and Barrister, ignorant of all this? No. The sun was never more notorious at noon-day, than was the dissatisfaction excited by the imprudent, though well intentioned in. terference of Doctor Milner on that memorable occasion."j

"We repeat, that this illustrious Prelate has made splendid atonement. We repeat, that we highly respect his talents and his virtues. And in publishing the treatment he received whilst advocating the Veto, we have no other object in view, than that it may serve as a warning to this other Englishman. We are aware, that in a letter to the Protestants of Great Britain and Ireland, this Barrister has lately published an able defence of Catholic tenets. For this we felt and expressed grateful. But we beg to remind him, that Doctor Milner too wrote most ably. His "Letters to a Prebendary," will ever remain a monument of the great powers of his mind. For that work-for his "Tour through Ireland," and his other most valuable publications, we felt and expressed grateful. Yet as these writ ings did not prevent us from opposing the Prelate, when we conceived opposition to be a sacred duty-in like manner he may rest assured, that his writings shall be no protection to the Barrister, if he perseveres in his officiousness."

"Timeo Danaos dona ferentes."

"We frankly avow, that when some men make us a present, the feeling of gratitude is not the only one we have at the moment. No! there is something like suspicion, that stirs within us. Hence, whilst we liked the production itself, we really suspected the Barrister's motive for publishing his letter. Could it be to win our confidence, and afterwards to abuse it? We hope not. All we shall say at present is, that the man who writes well, and with pure intention, is an ornament and a blessing; whilst the man who writes for wicked purposes, though he writes well, is a disgrace and a curse to society. The one is as the friendly beacon, which, in thedark and tempestuous night, points "the path of safety to the mariner. The other is like the fire which monsters, in shape of men, sometimes kindle on England's coast, to decoy the distressed seaman among those rocks where death is inevitable; and this for plunder's sake."

"Cease your efforts, Englishman! You shall not decoy the bark which Heaven has given to Ireland. Since the days of our titular saint she has

braved full many a storm. And take our word for it, she is still stout enough to weather any storm which you and your noble associate may feel inclined to direct against her."

Next follows Dr. Milner's celebrated Memorial, from a copy printed by Keating.

"A Brief Memorial on the Catholic Bill.

"The bill, with its attendant clauses, concerning the Roman Catholics, now before Parllament, professes to "put an end to all religious jealousies between his Majesty's subjects;" whereas, if carried into execution, it will certainly cause more jealousy, animosity, and confusion among them, than any religious innovation has done since the revolution: it will even certainly be attended with all the evils of religious persecution. It professes "to communicate to the Catholics the blessings of our free form of government;" whereas, it is expressly calculated to exclude from the benefits of the constitution, and to oppress, in their civil as well as religious capacity, a numerous description of them, who, from the services which they have rendered to their king and country, and which they may justly be expected again to render to them in cases of emergency, might expect to be particularly protected and conciliated,-the Roman Catholic Bishops and Clergy.

1st, By the tenor of the present Bill, the last mentioned persons ́are left entirely to the judgment, discretion, and mercy of a few lay persons, chiefly of their own body, to decide (in a tribunal more secret and arbitrary in its forms, than the star-chamber or the inquisition) upon their loyalty and peaceable conduct, without any fixed principles, and much less without those of the law, as to what constitutes loyalty and peaceable conduct, and without that legal redress or appeal from a decision that may deprive them of their character, and eventually of their country, to which all British subjects are entitled,

2dly, By appointing certain lay persons, professing the Catholic religion, to secure the loyalty of the Catholic Prelature and Clergy, (whereas it is the office, as it has been the practice of the latter, by their ministerial duty, to secure that of the former) and by admitting the oath of a few lay Catholics as a sufficient security, and rejecting that of the whole Catholic Prelature and Clergy as insecure, these would be undeservedly degraded in their civil and social characters, before their own body and the public at large,

3dly, The constitution of the Catholic Church is essentially Episcopal;

whereas the tendency of the proposed clauses, is to render it, in this king lem, in a great degree democratical, by making the Bishops and Clergy dependent on their laity, both as to their appointment and their ministry. Thus, for example, if the Clergy should not preach, or minister, or write according to the opinions or the sentiments of the lay commissioners, it is out of the order of things that they should be judged worthy by the latter of a testimonial of peaceable conduct.

4thly, To be a Catholic commissioner it is sufficient, according to the clauses of the bill," to profess the Roman Catholic religion:" now this may and has been done by many persons who have set its essential doctrines, discipline, and spiritual authority at open defiance. The tendency therefore of the clauses in question, is to subvert the religion, which the bill professes to protect.

5thly, It would be an act of schism against the Catholic religion, for any member of it, by word or act, to concur to that clause which declares, that "persons in holy orders-appointed, according to the usages of the "R. Catholic church, to exercise episcopal duties, shall not be capable of "exercising such duties-in whose favour a major part of the commis “sioners shall have refused to certify their loyalty and peaceable con"duct." Of course, no Catholic, and still more no Catholic Bishop, can, consistently with his religion, accept of or act under the commission in question.

"Notwithstanding all this, it is humbly presumed that no danger to the establishment in Church or State can arise from the proposed admission of Catholic laymen to civil or military privileges, in consequence of their Bishops and Clergy continuing to elect other Bishops (as they have hitherto done, without restraint or complaint from the Legislature, and conformably to the practice of the different classes of dissenters) because they are all his Majesty's sworn and approved loyal subjects; because they are ready to swear that," they will choose none but those whom they "conscientiously believe to be such," [and it must be admitted that they know one another's conduct and dispositions better than any layman, whether Catholic or Protestant, can know them] and because it is evi❤ dently their interest and that of their religion, as well as it is their duty, to provide, to the best of their power, that their Prelates should not only be loyal and orderly, but also, as much as possible, acceptable to his Majesty's Government.

"6thly, With respect to any communication between the Catholic Prelates and Clergy, and the head Bishop and other Prelates of their religion, it is incompatible with their character and duty to subject this to the

opinion of their laity; nevertheless they are ready to swear that they ''will "not communicate, directly or indirectly, with the Pope, &c. or with

any other person in foreign parts, on any matter or thing affecting the "safety and peace of his Majesty's Government, or of the establishment in "Church and State, or on any other political subject whatsoever*, and· "that, in case they should receive any letter or other document, relating "to the same, they will transmit it within days to one of his Majesty's secretaries." They are also perfectly content that this oath should be followed up, in the usual manner, against felony or treason by corresponding penalties, whether of transportation or of death, should they infringe this their oath. This approved and constitutional remedy against illegal correspondence with foreigners, if accompanied with due powers to ministers (the post-office being already in their hands) and with the offer of an adequate premium to informers, would, it is humbly presumed, not only be a sufficient security against the alledged new dangers, but also a much more effectual one than that of the proposed Catholic lay commission.

"The Catholic Bishops of Ireland having been of late confined to their dioceses by certain professional duties, and having but recently been informed of the tenor of the proposed bill and clauses, have not yet been able to meet for the purpose of discussing the same. They will, however, meet in Dublin for this purpose on the 25th instant, and their sentiments concerning them are already sufficiently known to the undersigned agent who writes this on their and his own and his Clergy's behalf.

J. MILNER, DD.

May 21, 1813. 12, Titchfield Street, Cavendish Square.

P. S. In the present form of the bill, consolidated and aggravated as it this day appears, the poor undisguised and unrestricted Veto is added to the oppressive unconstitutional clauses agatnst the Catholic Clergy. Such measures never could have been countenanced by any members of the legislature, had they not been suggested by certain false brethren of the Catholic body.

N. B. As many Catholics in England have REFUSED to take the oath appointed for them by the Act of 1791, in consequence of the terms in which the succession clause is couched, and as it is presumed that many more in

"It would be too harsh a measure to require the Bishops and Clergy to swear that they will not correspond or communicate with the Pope, or with any person author"ized by him, on any matter not purely ecclesiastical," to the exclusion of mere literary subjects, or those of humanity, or pure civility.".

Ireland (WHERE IT NEVER YET HAS BEEN PROPOSED) will refuse to take it on the same account, namely, from an idea that they themselves thereby would be obliged to take up arms against the Sovereign, in case he were to profess their religion, (which no body can believe they would do) the following change in the terms is humbly submitted to the legislature. "I do faithfully promise to maintain, support, and defend the succession "to the crown, and I do hereby entirely SUBMIT myself to the limitation "of that succession, as it stands in an Act entitled: "An Act for the "further limitation of the crown, and the better securing the rights and "liberties of the subject, is and stands limited to the Princess Sophia, elect"ress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover, and the heirs of her body being "Protestants."

To this we add the notes mentioned above.

"Notes elucidatory of the "Brief Memorial," of Dr. Milner ; said to be written by the Rt. Hon. George Canning.

"The bill confers on Roman Catholic Clergymen the same benefits and advantages it professes to impart to the rest of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, as members of the state. If they have a distinct interest, it lies with them to shew on what ground, compatible with the interests of the state, their claim to immunities and privileges rests.

"Jealousy, confusion, and animosity, may be excited by those, who wish to establish a separation of interests. The bill is conciliatory.

"1st. A commission, consisting of Prelates, Peers, and Commoners, is not appropriately designated a lay commission. The proposed commission is not intended to be vested with any judicial authority extending to the infliction of punishment.

"It is assumed, that every state has a right to adopt such means, as to its wisdom shall appear best calculated to ascertain the loyalty of its subjects. Elevation of rank, and extension of influence, justify encreased jealousy, and sanction the demand of correspondent security. If, therefore, a Roman Catholic, entering into holy orders, acquires under the sanction of the state, an influence over a portion of its subjects he could not otherwise possess, the state has a right to require as an equivalent for the protection afforded, a security, that the influence consequent on ministerial appointment, and the emolument accruing from the exercise of ministerial functions, be not mis-employed to the detriment of the common weal.

"By the usage of England, France, Prussia, Sweden, the Italian States, Spain and Portugal, at home and in their colonies, NOMINATION, to