selves according to circumstances existing at the time of making their unfeigned declaration; yet, knowing and lamenting the flexibility, with which, even in men of the best intentions, whether Protestants or Catholics, the judgment is warped; and, having experienced the success, with which, through refined construction of words, political debate can mislead even the most upright persons, he will conclude, that the safer mode by which to guard against future and unforeseen contingencies, will be that the power of legislating for Protestants should be delegated to none but

Protestants.

"To what cause, next to the blessing of Divine Providence! can be ascribed the tranquillity, with which Protestant Christians of every denomination enjoy the free exercise of religious worship, each according to their respective mode? It is owing to the wise constitutional provision, that none but Protestants should legislate for Protestants."

On the subject of some absolute or implied promise given to the Irish Roman Catholics at the time of the Union, a prevalent vulgar error, the Bishop thus expresses himself, page 30.

"The surest mode by which to ascertain what really was or was not promised at the period of forming the Union, will be by reference to the Act of Union. The design of every act may best be collected from its preamble. The preamble of the Union Act is this:

1

" "Whereas in pursuance of his Majesty's most gracious recommendation to the two houses of Parliament in Great Britain and Ireland respectively, to consider of such measures as might best tend to strengthen and consolidate the connection between the two kingdoms, the two Houses of the Parliament of Great Britain and the two Houses of the Parliament of Ireland have severally agreed and resolved, that in order to promote and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire, it will be advisable to concur in such measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and conditions, as may be established by the acts of the respective Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland," &c. &c.

"You have here the substance of what his Majesty recommended; the subjects on which the English and Irish Parliaments deliberated: the purposes which they had in view, and for the attainment of which they agreed on certain stipulated articles. Did his Majesty recommend, was it a subject of deliberation, was it among the purposes to be attained, that Catholics should be admitted to legislate for Protestants?

See Preamble to 39 and 40 Geo. III.

"But let us proceed to the article, which requires compliance with certain conditions, from those who would be legislators. In the fourth article then it is enacted,

"That every one of the Lords of Parliament of the United Kingdom, and every member of the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, in the first and all succeeding Parliaments, shall, until the Parliament of the United Kingdom, shall otherwise provide, take the oaths, and make and subscribe the declaration, and take and subscribe the oath now by law enjoined to be taken, made, and subscribed by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of Great Briain."

"If there be any thing remarkable in this enactment, it is the reserve, "until the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall otherwise provide.” But what can fairly be deduced from that clause, saving though it be? No ingenuity can thence extract any thing like a promise, that there certainly should be a change of parliamentary qualifications. The utmost, which can be elicited from those words, is an intimation of possibility, that there might be some change. That possibility, however, is contingent in its nature, because it is left dependent on the will of Parliament. It is also indefinite as to time; for no period, at which even an attempt should be made for carrying the possibility into effect, is in the most distant manner specifled. In truth, if the whole transcript from the fourth article be taken together and duly examined, it will be evident that in its general tenor it meant to maintain and confirm the requisites, prescribed by the laws already existing, as qualifications for admission into Parliament.

"To the Act itself let us again appeal; and transcribe from it an article which deserves more close and serious attention, than what has commonly been given to it by the parliamentary advocates of Catholicism. It is this ;"That it be the fifth article of Union, that the Churches of England and Ireland, as now by law established, be united into one Protestant Episcopal Church, to be called, The United Church of England and Ireland; and that the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the said united church shall be, and shall remain in full force for ever, as the same are now by law established for the Church of England; and that the continuance and preservation of the said United Church, as the established Church of England and Ireland, shall be deemed and taken to be an essential and fundamental part of the Union."

"Mark the expressions, "shall remain in full force for ever;"-" the continuance and preservation of the said United Church shall be deemed and taken to be an essential and fundamental part of the Union." Can words be more plain, unequivocal, strong, direct, absolute? How, then, so soon after passing an act thus explicit, guarded, circumspect, can the

British Parliament, consistently with public faith, encourage and sanction a measure, the obvious tendency of which is to impair the force, to shorten the continuance, to counteract the preservation, of all that is essentially conducive to the tranquillity and permanency of the United Church?" Respecting the Veto, the Bishop of Gloucester's observations are highly important.

*

"Your Speech introduces Lord Sidmouth. Those who have observed the long and honourable career of that noble lord in public life, will anticipate this remark; that an opinion proceeding from his political expe rience, his knowledge and love of the British constitution, should have great weight on all subjects of parliamentary discussion. To the Catholic Question, and to every branch appendant to it, no one has given more ample, frequent, serious, and dispassionate thought than his Lordship. The "Veto" was designed to be, and by the supporters of it was judged to be, a measure of conciliation. They were actuated by the sentiments of their own minds: Lord Sidmouth claimed the same privilege for himself. The "Veto" to him did not seem an expedient fit for adoption. Your Lordship mentions some grounds of his disapprobation: probably there were others. It could not but appear objectionable to him or account of these tendencies, viz. It would have lowered the Sovereign in the eyes and estimation of his Protestant subjects, if they had seen the head of the British empire stooping to ask the Pope's permission for him to interfere, in the slightest degree which could possibly be conceived, in the external church government of the Catholics. It would have degraded the Sovereign's dignity, by humbling him to a compromise of prerogative with a person, who, though venerable, is nevertheless a foreigner. It would have reduced the Sovereign to a virtual recognition of what the law does not recognise, the acknowledgment of an ecclesiastical supremacy, distinct from that which is vested in the Sovereign, whether King or Queen."

Lord Somers (Speech, page 8) had made use of some taunting insinuations, which the Bishop, with much animation, repels on the principles of consistency, honour, and conscience; this last, guided first by divine command, and, secondly, by human precedent. The whole passage is admirably conceived and expressed. His Lordship pays just tributes of respect to many eminent prelates, deceased and living, as well as several of the clergy and laity. His praise must be gratifying to all, and encouraging to most. He shews many marks of a mind highly cultivated, in bis allusions to the classics and others. His reading is evidently very extensive, but he never savours of pedantry. We had marked many passages in our

* Page 6.

perusal of his Letter. We must not enlarge the number or the size of our quotations; we have already exceeded our limits. In the sentiments contained in the extract which we prefix, by way of motto to the present number of the PROTESTANT ADVOCATE, we heartily concur.

12. Remarks on the Proceedings of the Lords and Commons, in the late Parliament, respecting the Catholics: contained in a Letter addressed to the Protestants of all Persuasions and Communions. By F. Gregor, Esq.-Pp. 76.

THIS most worthy writer, late member of Parliament for the county of Cornwall, (see his name in our last number, page 371,) has done the Protestant cause great service. His Letter is evidently the production of a man of good sense, well studied in the constitution of the country.* Mr. G. seems to have given mature consideration to his subject, previously to putting pen to paper; he delineates an outline of his plan, which he never transgresses; every topic that is introduced occupies its proper place; the mind of the reader is led unforcedly to every point discussed, and when he arrives at the CONCLUSION (page 56), he must have a dull understanding if he do not comprehend the nature of the argument, or a heart full of prepossession, if he do not accede to the truth and acknowledge the force of every syllable advanced. That the friends of the PROTESTANT ADVOCATE, to whom we most respectfully and most earnestly recommend Mr. Gregor's pamphlet, may form a judgement on the sort of information to be derived from it, and also on the dispassionate spirit in which it is written; we extract the following passage from page 13. After some preliminary observations, Mr. G. says,

"It will be necessary, in the first place, to give, in as short a compass as I can, a distinct statement of many important facts connected with the law and history of this kingdom.

"1st.-I shall inquire what was the principal object of those great men who conducted the Revolution in 1688, and what was the substance of the laws passed at that time for the security of the Protestant Church and establishments?

"2dly. What was the state of those laws on the accession of his present Majesty, and what have been the alterations of them during the present reign?

"3dly-I shall, in the next place, examine, as far as I am enabled to do it, what is the situation of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and paṛti

* Mr. G. dates his Letter from Trewarthennick, miscalled Trewarthrick in our last; though we could appeal to very high testimony, if necessary, for the pains which we took to enable us to print the word correctly.

VOL. I. [Prot. Adv. May, 1813.] 3 I

cularly what is their present connexion with the Pope and the Court of

Rome?

"ball omit no means within my power, which will enable me to state these particulars with accuracy; and I shall then add a short summary of the whole, with such observations as a consideration of the facts may suggest.-But, before I enter into the discussion, I think it will neither be unnecessary nor useless, to explain the manner and temper with which this subject has been introduced to the notice of the public, and the general manner and temper with which I mean to discuss it.-In the first place, we are told that the body of the Catholics of Ireland are, at this moment, petitioners for "emancipation;" of course, the gentlemen who tell us this mean, under cover of this word “emancipation," to insinuate, that the Irish Roman Catholics labour under some description of "vassalage" or "slavery." It will be seen, from what follows, whether this insinuation has even the semblance of truth; or, rather, whether it is not strictly and correctly true, that the Irish Roman Catholic of every rank in society, has as full and free an exercise of his religion, and as complete an enjoyment of every civil right, securing his liberty and property, as his Majesty's Protestant subjects.-There is no distinction whatever. Again, we have heard that some of the very zealous advocates of the Roman Catholics in this country are pleased to call all those, who chance to differ from them on this truly important constitutional question, "Intolerant Bigots,"" the slaves of superstition, of prejudice, &c." I have, therefore, to request, that those gentlemen, who may chance to read what I have written, will consider the facts and arguments I shall adduce, in the spirit of genuine liberality and candour; and then let them decide, whe ther a person may not oppose what is, somewhat unfairly, called a plan for "Catholic Emancipation," and yet be as free from intolerance, bigotry and superstition, and, let me add, from that mixture of weakness and violence which is an attendant on ignorance, as those very liberal personages, who are forward in making such unjust and unfounded charges.― For my own part, I can say, with the most p.rfect sincerity, that I know of only one principle which places any limit to the concessions which the legislature should make to his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects; and that is, a consideration of the duty which they owe to his Majesty's Protestant subjects and the established national religion. It is the duty of Parliament, not to lessen the security that the members of the national church derive from their ancestors, as one of the most valuable portions of their inheritance; and still more is it its duty to declare, whenever such a proposition is made, in the language of those ancestors, "Nolumus leges Anglia mutari."