in honore); there being, it seems, a succession to curses, as well as to offices. Such is this notable, and, as Mr. Lingard expresses it, satisfactory decision of a mixed case!

From these specimens the reader may judge how far Lord Kenyon's reasoning is likely to have been shaken by this gentleman; and whether the Bishops of Lincoln and of Gloucester have much to fear from the same quarter. Indeed we can have only one wish, and that is, that Mr. Lingard may be read together with the answers which have been, or may be, returned to him.

We cannot yet part with this gentleman. The reader will see that Sir John Coxe Hippisley and he borrow from each other reciprocally; and therefore may properly illustrate each other. We must therefore continue the association a little longer; and, for the benefit of Mr. Lingard, who delights in a scrap of classical Latin, we will add a reason quite as good as any of his.

"Sie positi quoniam suaves-miscetis odores."

We have seen Mr. Lingard obliged to the Baronet; in our next we shall exhibit Sir John supplied with a hint by Mr. Lingard.

(To be continued)

L'ST OF PUBLICATIONS IN FAVOUR OF THE REFORMED RELIGION, RECOMMENDED BY THE EDITOR OF THE PROTESTANT ADVOCATE.

(Continued from page 365.)

11. A Protestant Letter addressed to the Right Hon. Lord Somers ;-by George Isaac Huntingford, D. D. F. R. S. Bishop of Gloucester. Pp. 179.

Tuis tract ranks very high amongst the publications which have taken place during the existing controversy between Papists an! ProtesIn an advertisement prefixed to the Letter, the Right Rev. Author assigns his reasons for writing it.

tants.

"Lord Somers is Recorder of Gloucester. In September last, his Lordship, in that city, caused to be printed and published his "Speech and supplemental Observations," which contend for the admission of Roman Catholics into the British Legislature. In consequence of that publication; in consideration of the place where it appeared and attracted notice; in knowledge of the respect justly paid to the name and character of the noble author; it seemed incumbent on the bishop of the diocese, in which Gloucester is the cathedral city, to adduce some reasons, on VOL. I. [Prot. Adv. May, 1813.] 3 H

account of which it cannot be desirable, that Roman Catholics should legislate for Protestants, more especially for Protestants in Ireland.

"The words "Catholics" and "Catholicism" are used, not in the sense which strict propriety requires, but according to the acceptation in which they are commonly taken."

error.

Nothing can be more temperate than his Lordship's address to Lard Somers. With singular clearness he refutes the assertions of his noble antagonist, candidly represents his mistakes, and lays open the sources of We have seldom read a more satisfactory answer, and we know not how it is possible to reply to it, or make head against its force. The Bishop never fails to quote the precise expressions used by Lord Somers, and gives us references to the pages where they occur. On some occasions he selects several phrases relating to the same point, places them in fair array, and then makes his observations on the general doctrines maintained by the noble author of the Speech and supplemental Obser vations." Thus (page 12) the Bishop of Gloucester, under section 3,

says,

"

"In the course of your Speech and Observations occur these passages: "Let the Protestant be the only established religion in these islands.""Which word (state) includes its civil and religious establishment."— "Let, therefore, the established churches of this kingdom, as part of the constitution of the state, remain and be firmly supported."-On a comparison of these with your expressions "detrimental to the community at large"-" detrimental to the whole;" (in page 4) we ought to infer, that, in speaking of the "community at large" and of "the whole," you had in view its religious no less than its civil concerns. In combining those interests; in considering the civil and religious establishment as constituting one and the same body politic, one system in the whole, comprising several branches in its parts; you agree in opinion with the ablest writers on that subject. By what mode of thinking and reasoning, any statesman who is prudent, is well acquainted with the history of mankind, is thoroughly experienced in the principles which influence human conduct, and is really attached to the British constitution, can possibly be persuaded that the question of admitting Catholics into Parliament stands distinct and remote from all consideration of the national religion and national church by law established, it is difficult to conceive. For, let us suppose such a statesman to be an atheist; yet, if he is pru dent, though he has no religion himself, he will, for his own interest, wish that others may have some religion. For, if they, too, are atheists, what can he expect from those about him but every act of improbitý, injurious to bimself, advantageous to them, if it can escape detection

He will also wish there should be some sense of religion on the public mind: : for, otherwise, what can he reasonably expect from men in official departments, but falsehood, dishonesty, peculation, breach of trust, and that series of corruption and iniquity, which will disgrace a nation, and which must eventually work the ruin of a state? Then, again, in his knowledge of history he must be assured of the fact, that, through all ages of the world, the states best policied have established some public religion; and that, for the better support and observance of it, they have allowed none to hold public offices of high trust and authority, but those who professed the public religion. If motives of self interest, if regard for his country, if the sentiments and institutions of the wisest legislators, if the usage of the most renowned and flourishing empires, ought to have any weight in the deliberations of a statesman, atheist although he may be himself, yet he should admit the expediency of some national religion. If the expediency of some national religion is admitted, the next point for consideration is, "what religion shall be the national religion?" It is not very probable that a British statesman should vote for establishing the religion either of Moses or of Mahomet, or of Confucius. Nor would one, whose mind had never been impressed with a sense of religion, employ time or thought on examining the multiplicity of doctrines received among Christians, as they appear divided into different religious communities. The task would be incompatible with his public engagements, and disagreeable to his taste, not formed for serious and deep inquiry into the grounds of sacred truth. Therefore, without appearance of precipitation, we may at once conclude he would establish Christianity as taught and practised either by the Church of Rome, or by the Church of England. With the tenets of either church, so far as they relate merely to doctrines of faith, and do not affect practical conduct, an atheistical statesman can have no concern. But, with any principles which either church may hold, whether more or less favourable to the civil government in themselves or in their effects, as a constitutional statesman he is deeply concerned. For, as a constitutional man of rank and authority, he is bound to preserve the constitution; and, with a view to such preservation, his policy will be to prefer the church, the principles of which are more favourable, to the church with principles less favour. able, to the civil government. Now it is evident, that the church of England, which acknowledges the royal supremacy in both parts of the constitution, i. e. in the ecclesiastical as well as in the civil, must, in its principles, be more favourable to the civil government, than the Church of Rome, which allows the royal supremacy in one part only. To the Church of England therefore the constitutional statesman, even though

he be an atheist, should give the preference, if he would act consistently with prudence and with regard for the constitution. In proof and support of such preference, he should secure that church from being brought to a level with the Church of Rome. To such equality, however, the Church of England will be brought, if Catholics legislate for its Protestant establishment. The constitutional statesman therefore, if he will be true to his own political professions, will dissent from any proposal for admitting Catholics into the Houses of Parliament, where they will legislate for the Church of England."

His Lordship urges the same arguments with a deistical statesman ; and then proceeds, (page 19).

"What will be the inquiries of that statesman, who is firmly attached to the existing constitution, and wha, in bis profession of Christianity, as taught by the Church of England, is serious and sincere; when he deliberates on the expediency of admitting Catholics to legislate for Protestants? It will be natural for him to ask :--Has it arisen only from prejudice, vulgar and unfounded in any just cause, that the names of Philip, of Mary, of James the Second, should have been so detested by British Protestants? Was it merely from caprice and desire of change, that, after the monarchy had descended in the old line of succession for six hundred years, the legislature departed from that line, and vested the royal dignity where it would be accepted on the express condition, that whoever wore the crown should be a Protestant member of the Church of England? Did the jealousy, which prompted enlightened and wise legislators to annex such a condition, proceed from ideal fears? Were they but trivial, insignificant, unimportant errors in religion, which Bradford, Cranmer, Ferrar, Hooper, Latimer, Philpot, Ridley, † Rogers, Rowland Taylour, having opposed and renounced, refused to embrace again, even though refusal was to be punished by a painful death? Are not the grounds, on which we separated from the Church of Rome, the very same now, which originally justified separation, so far as they relate to articles of faith? From the decrees passed by the Council of Trent,

* "Thus ended at once, by this sudden and unexpected vacancy in the throne, the old line of succession, which from the conquest had lasted above six hundred years.” Blackstone's Comment, Vol. I. p. 211. Ed. 7.

"They were too well acquainted with the benefits of hereditary succession—to depart any farther from the ancient line, than temporary necessity and self-preservation required." Ibid. p 214.

This Protomartyr, in Queen Mary's reign, having published an English Translation of the Old and New Testament under the name of Thomas Matthewe, was condemned as "John Rogers alias called Matthewe,"

has the Church of Rome rescinded any one canon pointed in its anathemas against us Protestants? Does the Church of Rome concede any one tenet or usage, with a view to establishing a religious union between us? If truth and fact demand a negative answer to all these questions, he will then ask :-Consistently with the sense in which he understands the doctrines of the Gospel; consistently with the sacred duty, which, morally speaking, obliges him to act conformably with that sense; can a Protestant Christian encourage a measure calculated for the ascendancy of Catholicism in a part of the British empire, so nearly situated, and so immediately connected with us, as the kingdom of Ireland? Can it be equally safe for a Protestant Church, to have for its legislators some Catholics and some Protestants; as to have them all Protestants? And, to the Catholics, who will not, for our satisfastion, concede one single principle, is it reasonable that we should surrender our constitution? He will be told, the Catholics" disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure, any intention to subvert the present Church establishment, for the purpose of substituting a Catholic establishment in its stead." and will give them full and unqualified credit for the their hearts and the present purity of their designs. "Why then hesitate about making them legislators?" For these reasons. "It is natural for man to favour his own cause, if opportunity be given him. The possession of power to effect a measure has often created, what did not before exist, a will to effect that measure; effect it too by means not antecedently conceived in the mind. Success, attained in one degree, stimulates a desire of attaining success in farther degrees. As the approach to a great and desirable object is more near, the exertions used for securing that object are proportionably more strenuous, and the efforts more bold. A beginning once made, in itself apparently unimportant, has often terminated in disastrous consequences, which, on no calculations of probability, on no grounds of conjecture, could have been expected." Therefore, although he will entertain not the slightest mistrust of honour and veracity in Catholics, so far as they mean and can promise for them

This he will hear, present sincerity of It will be asked:

*“This plon (i. e. of re-union with Protestants) never was proposed to them by those Catholic writers (Bossuet and Du Pin) upon any other footing, than that they should admit the authority of the Catholic Church, the Pope's supremacy, the seven sacraments, the sacrifice of the mass, the invocation of saints, &c. In a word, we would give our lives to unite in religion with our countrymen, on the plan of Bossuet." See Note in p. 13, of Bishop Milner's "Instructions addressed to the Catholics in 1811.

"

See the "Oath and Declaration" taken and made by Catholics, according to the Irish Act of 33 Geo. III.-But on this subject see our last number, p. 365.-Editor.