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state sees to it that the opposed classes fight it out according to

CHAP.

XVIII the rules laid down. Consequently one thinks as citizen rather than member of a class. A study of the votes on the twenty-six most radical social-reform measures which in five years were submitted to the voters of Oregon shows that in four cases out of five capitalists and laborers voted alike. In other words the average difference between their support of radical measures was twenty votes in a hundred.

The boards of education in American cities are composed chiefly of business and professional men. Nine-tenths of their members fall outside the class which makes up five-sixths of the population. This want of representativeness is a misfortune in some respects, but it is neither intended nor resented. If it were, the voters would speedily correct it.

10. The submission of the pleas and claims of contending Class Conclasses to the objective scientific investigation of government and Brought

Before the private bureaus and of university scholars is another hopeful Baroti modern tendency. It blunts the weapons of falsehood, camou

Science flage and sophistry, enforces closer agreement between the classes in their assertion of fact and strengthens the side less able to state its case.

tentions

THE STRUGGLE OF CLASSES IN MODERN SOCIETY The modern "social" question has been created neither by The Ma

chine as labor agitators nor by capitalist greed. It arose inevitably out Root of of the development of machine industry. About the middle of

Discord the eighteenth century began a series of inventions which caused the textile industry to be translated from the worker's home or shop to the factory. Instead of owning his tools he worked the machinery owned by others and became a wage-earner. Since then the factory system has extended to branch after branch of manufacturing, until the handicraft system is dead and we are committed without reserve to industrialism. Moreover, in nearly all branches the mass of equipment util- Enormous

Expansion ized in aid of production has enormously increased. The volume of the of capital per worker is constantly greater and from this flow Capital

Factor in very interesting consequences. To-day when a hundred cotton- Production mill operatives strike they tie up perhaps ten times as much capital as a hundred operatives who struck eighty years ago. Stoppage is ten times as costly to the capitalist as it used to be

CHAP.
XVIII

vidual Workman Becomes a

and therefore he is more restless when tied up by a strike and resorts to more ruthless measures to break the strike. The strikers realize this and become heedless of public interests in their endeavor to foil the strike-breakers. Of necessity, then, the parties to the labor conflict tend to become more reckless and lawless in their tactics.

Along with the growing prominence of the capital equipment, goes a tendency toward larger production units. Every census shows that the average plant in almost every branch contains more capital and employs more men. Automatically this diminishes the importance of the individual workman to the employer and augments the importance of the employer to the workman. In a ten-man shop, the employer loses one tenth of his force and of his profit, if one disgruntled workman quits him. In a hundred-man shop, he loses only one per cent., so that, as units grow, the protesting workman is less and less considered. On the other hand, the bigger the units, the fewer, so that it becomes less likely that the workman, without changing his residence, can

find another factory in his line to employ him. The Indi. This automatic belittlement of the individual wage-earner gives

rise to an irresistible movement toward the organization of labor. Midget

Those who work in factories not theirs, with machines not theirs, on materials not theirs, under conditions they have no voice in determining, and turn out a product that belongs to some one else, discover that they have an interest in common, Only when combined can they compel the employer to pay heed to their grievances and claims. The union of the employees of a single concern may equalize them with their employer as respects power to inflict loss, but it does not equalize the two parties in respect to holding-out power. Hence, the workers unite themselves into wide unions in order to insure themselves

financial support during a strike. Workers The hope cherished a generation ago that by cooperative proand CapItalists Be- duction the workers would in time come to own the equipment tinct with which they work has quite withered. There is no prospect

whatever that the ownership of industrial capital will be disseminated through the working class. On the contrary, there is a clear tendency toward the concentration of wealth. The parties interested in machine industry more and more segregate into two groups very unequal in size - the capitalists, who con

come Dis.

Classes

tribute no personal exertion to industry, and the much larger

CHAP.

XVIII body of workers, who may own their homes but hold merely a trifling amount of share capital. Since the capital factor in industry constantly expands, the Precarious

Position of share of the total product going to ownership grows. The time the Cap

italist may come when half or two thirds of the social income will be Class claimed in the name of property. Moreover, less and less is this sharing automatic. It is affected by the temper of the workers, their degree of organization, their feeling about their union, the state of the law, the spirit of the courts, the attitude of public officials, the tone of the press, the pulpit, and the platform, and the tenor of the instruction of the young. Hence, the more active portion of the capitalist class endeavors to spread over society an invisible net of control. The class has lost most of its political defenses — hereditary upper houses, restricted suffrage, indirect election, party control, the unlimited use of money in politics — but it is not without secret compensating gains. The agitation for the total overthrow of private capitalism and the substitution of an untried public capitalism naturally alarms captalists and stimulates their endeavors to control opinion. As quietly they draw together and develop weapons and tactics to repel attack, their leaders and agents become more formidable, not only to attackers, but to inoffensive individuals and interests which stand in their way. So the capitalist class not only defends itself, but aggresses at a time when aggression is madness. This is why the position of social-minded persons identified with seither class, who wish to investigate and consider until it becomes clear what economic system will be best for society as a whole, becomes constantly more difficult. Industrialism, child of the power-driven machine, moulds society with appalling power and causes its members more and more to cluster at opposite pules of the social spindle. The situation is grave and no one can tell how much graver it will become before an adjustment 2 ill be found which will pull this thorn from humanity's flesh.

CHAPTER XIX

INSTITUTIONAL COMPETITION

CHAP
XIX

U PON the appearance of a serious competitor the first policy

The Established Tries to Destroy Its Com petitor

Motive of

Laws

petitor. The “trust" regularly cuts the price of its products to a point below cost of production in localities in which an

independent” seeks to sell. A shipping combine will have “fighting ships " which are called into play when a new steamship line enters their trade. As soon as the competitor announces a sailing date the combine advertises a steamer to sail on or near this date and offers a freight rate below the actual cost of carriage. In this way the competitor is prevented from securing a

cargo. The Real The highest social class hobbles by minute sumptuary regulaSumptuary tions the classes which aspire to come up abreast of it. In feudal

Japan, for example, a man might not use his money as he would. The farmer, craftsman, or shopkeeper could not build a house as he liked or procure himself such articles of luxury as his taste might incline him to buy. The richest commoner might not order certain things to be made for him, might not imitate the habits or assume the privileges of his betters. Although urged on economic grounds, sumptuary restrictions are doubtless intended to protect

the monopoly of prestige by the higher social orders. Slavery The spread of anti-slavery feeling among the producing people as a Men of the North during the generation before the American Civil ace to the War was due to their perception that slavery is a menace to the

labor System

free-labor system. In accounting for the early abolition of slavery in Massachusetts John Adams remarks: “ Argument might have had some weight ... but the real cause was the multiplication of laboring white people who would not longer suffer the rich to employ these sable rivals so much to their injury.”

Monogamic marriage, tolerant enough toward monastic and Shaker celibacy, which put yet greater strain on human nature,

Attacked

CHAP.
XIX

Sex Rela

Bour.

litical

suppresses as a dangerous rival every laxer form of sex relation -“ free love," the "complex marriage" of the Oneida commun

Monogamy ity, Mormon polygamy, etc. Nor has it acknowledged any right Strikes at of groups of men and women to order their relations according Easier to their own convictions and judgment.

Form of After representative government with its inevitable strife of tlon parties has been established, the parties controlled by the propertied strive to crush the rising party which asserts working-class geois Pointerests. To avoid meeting it in the arena of public discussion Parties they hypocritically denounce it as anti-patriotic and subversive, Will Not

Fight Fair a movement with criminal aims led by scoundrels and assassins, Against a

Working which is not entitled to the belligerent rights of a legitimate po- Class

Party litical party but deserves only to be stamped out by suppressing its propaganda and hounding its leaders. Thus was outlawed the socialist party in Germany during Bismarck's ascendancy. On the other hand, labor organizations oppose all proposals looking to state health-insurance, because many of them have developed insurance schemes of their own and they fear lest their power to hold their members will be weakened under compulsory state insurance. The whole history of religious persecution is the history of an A Threat

ened Roorganization trying to establish itself as a monopoly by ruthless ligion Al. destruction of the spokesmen of competing doctrines and move- secutes its

ways Pertrents. In Diocletian's time Roman religious beliefs were weak Rival 11 It while the Christian beliefs were vigorous and spreading. In desperation the old system made a ferocious attempt to extermisate all Christians. A thousand years later the church stamped certain sects out of existence and strangled heresies in the cradle. Says Coulton:

What Darwin took at first for a smooth unbroken grass land proved, on nearer examination, to be thick-set with tiny self-sown frs, which the cattle regularly cropped as they grew. Similarly, that which some love to picture as the harmonious growth of one great body through the Middle Ages is really a history of many divergent opinions violently strangled at birth; while hundreds more, too vigorous to be killed by the adverse surroundings, and elastic cough to take something of the outward colour of their environment, grew in spite of the hierarchy into organisms which, in their taras, profoundly modified the whole constitution of the Church. If the mediaeval theory and practice of persecution had still been in

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