application. Thus in the east, as well as the west, the fruit of the tree of knowledge, costs the high price of viginti annorum lucubrationes. . Any man that chooses to devote himself to literature, will find a maintenance at Nuddeah from the fixed revenues of 'the university, and the donations of the Rajah. Men in 'affluent circumstances, however, live there at their own expense, without burthening the foundation. "By the pundits' system of education, all valuable works are 'committed to memory; and to facilitate this, most of their compositions, even their dictionaries, are in metre. But they by no means trust their learning entirely to this repository; on 'the contrary, those who write treatises or commentaries on learned topics, have at Nuddeah always met with distinguished encouragements and rewards. "The time of attending the public schools and lectures, is from ten o'clock in the morning until noon. Their method of teaching is this:-two of the masters commence a dialogue, or disputation on the particular topic they mean to explain. When a student hears any thing advanced or expressed that 'he does not perfectly understand, he has the privilege of interrogating the master about it. They give the young men every encouragement to communicate their doubts, by their temper ⚫ and patience in solving them. It is a professed and established 'maxim of Nuddeah, that a pundit who lost his temper in explaining any point to a student, let him be ever so dull and void of memory, absolutely forfeits his reputation and is disgraced. "The Nuddeah Rajahs have made it their frequent practice to attend the disputations. On all public occasions, especially, the Rajah assists and rewards those who distinguish themselves. But instead of cup-fulls of gold and silver, as formerly, all that this prince can now afford to bestow is a loatta and dhoatty, i. e., a brass cup and a pair of drawers. These, however, from the Rajah's own hands are, by no means, considered trivial rewards. No Emperor's chelat communicates a higher pleasure, nor inspires a nobler pride. Nothing can be more characteristic of philosophic simplicity and moderation, than the value which they set upon it. "Is it not," say they," the dress and furniture which nature requires ?" Jessore is mentioned in the Chronicle in connection with Pratápáditiya its ruler, who refused to pay tribute to Akbar, but the Moslem General was aided against a Hindu by another Hindu, Majumdar of Krishnaghur. "Every man for himself" was evidently the maxim in ancient days as now. From the numerous Moslem families in Jessore settled for a long period, from the magnificent city erected to the south of it by Pratápáditiya, and from the former cultivated state of the Sunderbunds, we infer that Jessore was in Akbar's days a place of much greater importance than of late timesthe Bhayrab flowed through it with a mighty stream, forming a communication between the Upper Provinces and the Eastern Districts. The Vernacular Literature Committee have published a Life of Pratápáditiya, which contains various interesting particulars about Jessore. We have a notice of Burdwan in the Chronicle, in connection with a deed equalling that of Lucretia in Roman history. Burdwan seems to have been formerly a place of importance, secured by a fort which stood probably to the west of the church, where also the old palace was situated. It was the wife of a Governor of Burdwan who, on her husband Uriah-like being assassinated in Burdwan, became the Queen of Jehangir, under the name of Nur Jehan, and was a second Elizabeth in India. Shah Jehan remained at Burdwan some time, and there received the refusal from the Portuguese of his request for artillery, which made him afterwards wreak his vengeance on Hugly. It was at Burdwan the English obtained the grant of land on which the city of Calcutta stands, from Arungzib's grandson, who was Governor there, and who ornamented Burdwan city with a palace and mosque. The revolt of Sobha Sing, mentioned in the Chronicle, will be ever memorable in this country, as it led to the English getting permission to erect Fort William in Calcutta, and thereby securing for themselves a local habitation and a name. The present Rajah of Burdwan is only an adopted son, the old family was of Khetriya origin; we have some notice of them five centuries ago. ART. V.-The Private Life of an Eastern King. By a Member. of the Household of his late Majesty, Nussir-u-Deen, King of Oude. London, 1855. The "THE age of conquests is passed," said Louis Napoleon; and the European world, delirious with fear lest he should be the conqueror, exulted in the sentiment. It was quoted by statesmen with a glad smile, as a proof that their much vaunted" balance of power" was not yet to be disturbed. The states of Europe were still to occupy their position of armed and fettered neutrals. It was welcomed by the dreamers as heralding in that era of peace and plenty, which they have so often prophesied, and postponed-and it was. accepted by thinkers as a proof that the speaker felt himself strong enough to do without immediate war. acclamations continued. Two years after, the whole strength of France and England was stretched to prevent the boldest attempt at conquest recorded in history. The great fact gave the lie to the pungent aphorism. The age of conquests has not passed, nor is it passing; it proceeds, with greater or less rapidity, in every corner of the earth. Russia stands pledged to a deliberate scheme, involving the conquest of the old world. America stands pledged to principles which involve the conquest of the new. England, while repudiating conquest, goes on conquering, annexes a new territory in every half decade, and annihilates some barbarian tribe in every two years. It is true, the last named power believes herself free of any such design. She does not, however, draw back her hand; and the only consequence of her prudery is, that her conquests are without system, made often at the wrong moment, and generally three times as costly as they need have been. She destroys the dynasty of Runjeet, and leaves the seeds of rebellion, because she will not "conquer." She annexes Pegu, and makes a virtue of abstaining from the "conquest" of the remainder of the kingdom. In short, despite Manchester men and able editors, cotton manufacturers and philanthropic dreamers, she is as much pledged to advance as the Romanoffs or the States. Meanwhile, these conquering nations, these races whose lust of territorial aggrandisement excites the horror of Quakers and of Manchester orators, advance in every other direction at an equally rapid rate. England is incomparably richer, more educated, more virtuous, than she was in the dreary reigns of the first Georges, who repudiated any thing so energetic as annexation. Russia, in thirty years, has added 30 per cent. to her population, and, the lies of the hour being overlooked-50 per cent. to the physical comfort of her millions. Her policy overshadows Europe. Her diplomacy excites a dread such as Englishmen once felt for the Spaniard and the Jesuit. Her arms have proved equal to those of two of the mightiest nations of the world. Of the United States it is useless even to speak. The child is growing into a giant. While she doubles her country, she quadruples her means of employing it. There are more Dollars, more Railways, more Coin, more Telegraphs, more People, more Missions, and more Education in the States, than there were thirty years ago. Let us turn to the nonconquering States. The Oriental Empires have ceased to conquer, and are ceasing to exist. Every where around is the sound of the crumbling of rotten thrones. How stands the mighty and paternal Government of China? With treason at the gates of Pekin, outside barbarians proffering arrogant assistance, the King of the North stealing her fairest provinces, the valley of her most magnificent river. Japan has yielded to the demand of a single squadron of one of the conquering nations. The King of Siam has admitted the Consul, who will give place only to the Resident. The Shah of Persia quails at the threat of a single Englishman. Day by day the dominion of Russia advances further over the Nomad tribes, and Empire-seats of Central Asia. How is it with Spain? Is she happier, richer, nobler, than when engaged in her career of conquest? Is Espartero greater than Alva, or as good as Las Casas. Is O'Donnell the equal of Cortez or Gonsalves? Are the gang of repudiatory Editors who surround Isabella, greater than the grave and stately men of thought, who were the eyes and hands of Philip and Charles the Fifth? Is Spain turned into a Paradise by her long cessation from the career of conquest? Has she more men or manufactures, Railways, Telegraphs, Exports, Imports, or aught that the soul of Manchester rejoices in? Has she even the things in which wiser men take pleasure, books or pictures, achievements in literature or art? Has she so many rivals to Calderon and Cervantes, to Velasquez and Murillo? If we turn to Italy, the picture becomes even more striking. But one section of that land has woke from the dream of ages, and entered the race of modern civilization. The first effort of that one was to conquer Italy, an effort not abandoned at Novara; its second to assist in resisting the conquest of Constantinople. France and the Scandinavian Powers are the only ones in which the cessation of conquest is not apparently accompa nied by a downward tendency, and they are not really exceptions to the rule. France has not given up, though she has for the moment suspended conquest. She has not surrendered Algeria, or given up the design of making the Rhine her boundary. As for Scandinavia, her energies are absorbed in one long struggle to resist the inevitable march of one of the conquering powers. Slowly and quietly she recedes, but recede she does. Sweden dares not declare war. Denmark takes a Russian Prince as successor to the throne of Christian. If then, throughout the world, progress and conquest are in fact united, is it not just possible that they may also be united of right? Is there not some faint probability, that conquest may be right as well as inevitable, and that the Manchester school are committing not only a blunder but a crime, in resisting it? And first, is not conquest on the part of a progressive nation inevitable? : As far as the conquests over mere savages are concerned, this will, we suppose, be admitted without much argument. As a nation becomes richer, its population is certain to encrease. The development of new trades affords place for new households, and in countries where a healthy morality prevails, population encreases somewhat faster than commerce. These mouths must be fed it is all very well to tell them that they must starve at home. They won't do it, and there is no human force extant competent to make them. They emigrate to lands which wait only cultivation to give them the comforts denied by the old world. Unfortunately, these lands are frequently scoured by savage races who use them as the beasts of prey use the jungle. As a matter of course, they regard the settlers as intruders. The settlers, on the other hand, look on them as thieves and murderers, or if excessively philanthropic, as men who must "retire into the interior." The savages object to either process, recur to their only argument, and whether Seminoles or Sioux, Gualches, or Australians, disappear. The white man needed room, and, under whatever disguise, he took it, and maintained it by superior force. We say nothing of the right or wrong of such a proceeding, we speak simply of the fact, and of its inevitable character. The question, however, must be widened out. Is there any necessity why a progressive nation should be also a conquering one? Why should it not live and permit its neighbours to live in peace? We reply, the necessity exists, unless the nation follows the policy of Japan. If it retires into itself, refuses all communication with the outer world, and ignores all human action, except its own, it may live till some wave of barbarism coerces it once |