"Those, who had studied the public temper of "Ireland, can best appreciate, how salutary would "have been the effects of such an arrangement; "how much the protestants would have been con"ciliated and satisfied, if the government were "intrusted with the means of excluding dangerous "men from the exercise of such important powers; "and how much the roman-catholic clergy might "be improved, if they grew up in such commu"nication with the state, under which they lived, "as to feel that it was not less their interest, than "their duty to maintain, at all times, a reputation "for loyalty and fidelity. Its benefits would not "have terminated there. In times of public tumult "and popular delusion, the roman-catholic clergy. "would feel, that they had, at least something, on "which they might subsist, without being compelled to flatter their misguided flock, till the period of intemperance had passed away, and might thus be enabled, with a firmer and bolder "step, to tread in the path of their duty.

"Whilst the roman-catholic clergy feel a becoming confidence in the purity of their own inten"tions, and justly appeal to the tests, by which they "have solemnly disclaimed all the noxious tenets "which have, in former times, been imputed to their "church; whilst they declare that they owe no "obedience to the pope, inconsistent with their

duty as good subjects, and that their allegiance "to the external head of their church is purely spiritual, and restricted to matters of faith and

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history of mankind, not to feel, and to allow, that, "so long as spiritual authority is exercised by men, "it is prone to mix itself in temporal concerns; "more especially in matters, which may be con"sidered as affecting the interests of the church "itself:-that a taste for power is inseparable from "human nature, and that the time may return, when "the power and influence of the see of Rome, if "not restrained by wholesome regulations, (a sup"position not extravagant, when the visible head "of the catholic church is a prisoner, and conse"quently an instrument in the hands of the enemy), "may be turned against the temporal interests and

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security of the state. Why is the British govern"ment alone, of all the powers in Europe, to remain "exposed to a danger, against which it has been "the invariable policy of all other states, roman"catholic as well as protestant, to provide? Why "should Spain, the country perhaps, of all others in Europe, least disposed either to heresy or schism, "have sedulously excluded the see of Rome from 66 any intercourse with the church, except through "the state? Why did Austria? Why did France?— "Unless they were satisfied that such a power, if "secretly exercised over the clergy, (passing by the "state), might and must be abused. If roman catho"lic states have not thought it safe to rely upon the "mere security of oaths, defining the allegiance of "the clergy to the temporal government, the inter

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pretation of which, in all cases of doubtful import,

as matters of conscience, can only rest with the "individuals subscribing them; and, if they have

"deemed it essential to their freedom, and safety, "to fence themselves round with additional safeguards, and even to exclude the direct power of "the see of Rome, from operating within their dominions, in concerns not purely appertaining "to faith and doctrine, can the roman-catholics "of these dominions complain, if the protestant "state of this realm should regard that foreign

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power with similar sentiments of fair and justi"fiable jealousy; and insist upon corresponding "measures of security and precaution? Shall the "roman-catholics of Ireland complain, or are they rationally entitled to impute to their own govern

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ment, views either illiberal or unwise, when they "demand securities from them, not greater than "states, purely roman-catholic in their structure, "have required? If the sovereigns of Russia, and "Prussia, claimed not only the right of excluding "all briefs or rescripts from the see of Rome, not previously submitted to the temporal authority "of the respective states; if they further assumed "(if not with the formal sanction of the sovereign pontiff expressed in a concordat, yet certainly with his full and cordial acquiescence in giving effect to the appointments made),—the "direct and positive nomination to all the roman"catholic sees, within their dominions ;-if regulations, similar in principle, have prevailed in

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protestant states, popular in their form of go"vernment;-shall it be imputed as a demand, "unreasonable, on the part of the crown of Great Britain, not actually to nominate, but to have the

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66 power of excluding persons from the exercise of "the episcopal functions, in whose loyalty his "majesty cannot confide?-Shall all the roman"catholic subjects in Europe, cheerfully confide "such power, in their respective governments?— "Shall the head of the roman-catholic church "himself, acknowledge such powers, not only in "all the roman-catholic sovereigns in Europe, but "in the monarch of the Greek church, in Russia, "and in the protestant monarch of Prussia; and

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yet refuse to the king of these realms a much "more limited interference? That such repug"nance would have been found in the late or 66 present pontiff, when in possession of their per"sonal liberties, has always been denied by persons, "most competent to answer for their sentiments. "Does it then become the Irish roman-catholics "to raise difficulties on this head? Does it become "their titular bishops, after all that has passed on "this subject, to object? They ought to recollect "that their church, being a strictly papal church,

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peculiarly warrants the state in such a demand. "The roman-catholic church in Ireland, from "causes already alluded to, never has vindicated "its own liberties against the see of Rome; it has "no concordat; it has no domestic rights expressly "secured. The pope has, on many occasions, re

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jected the recommendations of their bishops to "vacant sees, and substituted direct nominations, "from himself, in their room. In short, it may be "asserted, founding their discipline and church 66 government principally on the canons of the

"council of Trent, a council which pointedly saved "to the see of Rome all its rights and privileges, "in the most extended and objectionable sense, "and which has never been acknowledged in points of discipline, by the Gallican and other "free churches, that the Irish church is, at this day, one of the most dependent in Europe; and "that in which the power of the pope has the "most unqualified sway.

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"It is impossible that the roman-catholics of "Ireland should, upon reflection, gravely deter"mine to stand on such grounds, when they come "to solicit constitutional privileges, and political "confidence. Do they mean to describe them"selves as such separatists from the whole body "of the roman-catholics in Europe, that, consist

ently with the principles of their religion, they "cannot enter into any connection with the state, "under which they live? In the discussion of the "mutual confidence, that might be expected here"after to prevail, many new points may suggest "themselves for candid consideration; but, can "there exist any question upon points, long since "settled, and understood, by the practice of every "liberal roman-catholic in Europe?--If such pre"tensions are persevered in, the inference must be, "not that the roman-catholic religion itself is the "obstacle, but that the belief and practice of it, as, at this day, prevalent in Ireland, is the impediment.--Are the roman-catholics prepared "for such an avowal?

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"If they are, it appeared to him, that they must