T CHAPTER XII THE POLITICAL RIVALRY OF ECONOMIC INTERESTS HE conflict of interests in political relations discloses in creasingly, as its essential cause, conflicts between economic classes and interests, with their spheres of influence.1 To be. sure non-economic groups, as religious sects, are involved in political conflicts, but analysis is apt to show them to be associated rather than vital factors. Different sects often represent, roughly, different economic classes in the community and, though the clearly conscious elements in a political conflict may be sectarian prejudices, these are merely associated factors; the vital factors are the economic interests. To arrive at the vital factors requires an analysis of the processes of non-rational inference in political behaviour.2 Politicians use great cleverness in superficially associating with the policies they advocate sectarian and other beliefs that enlist impulses of approval and, therefore, appear to prove the desirability of their policies.3 Rival economic classes seek control of government in order to protect and advance their interests. International conflicts appear to be essentially conflicts between propertied classes situated in different nations. Non-propertied classes won the franchise through the rivalry of the propertied classes of a nation to enlist the support of more voters; and, from that time, propertied classes have rivalled each other for the support of non-propertied voters by promises of legislation they desired in return for their support. But labour organization has suggested the possibility of political control by the nonpropertied. Before the organization of labour the mass of the political community is a group of fairly equal but indifferent individuals 1 This subject is treated at length in the author's Foundations of Social Science, and the reader can amplify the necessarily abstract and general treatment of this chapter by reading Books I and II of that work. 2 This analysis must be deferred to the volume on social processes of feeling and thought. 3 Wallas, Human Nature in Politics, 31. Williams op. cit., Chs. VIII-X. Ibid. 77-78. 6 ,who feel their political powerlessness. When a section of these individuals unites in an economic organization, the individual ceases to be the political unit, for the organization soon realizes that its apparently purely economic purpose has political aspects. As these groups multiply the body politic ceases to be a mass of politically inert individuals and becomes differentiated into politically alert economic units. These are at first keenly rivalrous but gradually become conscious of a common economic purpose that can be achieved only by united political action. Thus develop national unions with political aims and this facilitates the political co-operation of all labour as soon as the great issues in which all labour is involved become of paramount interest.8 9 This political organization of labour is a recent phenomenon and not yet fully developed. Political parties have represented, primarily, propertied classes and there has been a division in their leadership into conservative leaders who stood for the traditional property rights and progressive leaders who demanded changes required for the public welfare. This division of leadership became conspicuous as a result of the industrial revolution. The factory system put men, women and children under the domination of employers as they had not been since the days of the feudal system, and this industrial subjection, ameliorated by labour legislation but nevertheless essential in an economic system based on profit seeking, has continued to the present day, even in the most advanced states.10 The domination exercised by employers and the resistance of workmen were projected into politics, and gave rise to the conflict between political leaders that stood for unregulated industry and those that stood for governmental regulation on behalf of the working hosts.11 This was essentially a conflict between leaders of different dispositions. Some members of upper classes were leaders in the movement for legislation to protect women and child labourers, others opposed it. Nevertheless, the tendency of membership in an upper class is narrowly to limit the capacity for sympathetic understanding of the needs and aspirations of lower classes. In the conflict between conservative and progressive leaders, the, • Tannenbaum, The Labor Movement, 127. Ibid. Ch. X. Ibid. Chs. XI-XII. Webb, The Restoration of Trade Union Conditions, Chs. II-IV. 10 Ogg, Economic Development of Modern Europe, 371-372, 396–398. 11 Dicey, Law and Opinion in England. sympathetic and intellectual impulses of the sensitive and thoughtful public had to be quieted by the conservative, who aimed to keep the masses where they were. This heretofore had been accomplished by an alleged religious sanction of such a condition, but certain ecclesiastics now denied and discredited this justification of existing conditions. Poverty, crowded homes and overworked children had to have a justification. "It was found in a very simple statement of what seemed to be true. The poor were weak. They were the unfit. They were the defeated in the struggle for existence. Life was a struggle for the survival of the fittest and they who did not survive as capitalists, continued as workers."12 This justification, with the others that previously had been used, have continued in common use to the present day as justifications of the reactionary propertied attitude. And the masses, suggestible to the ideas and attitudes of the upper classes, have accepted their attitude of contempt for the lower, in some cases with the justifications, and have felt that they were contemptible, that their status was indeed hopeless because they were the weak and unfit, that they were so created and that a pious resignation required that they accept their condition and hope for a better one in the next life. But, as the masses have become organized and have ceased to be suggestible to upper classes, this religious attitude has weakened, wherefore the Church will have to take cognizance of the new industrial and political attitudes of the masses if it is to reformulate effective religious beliefs.13 The conflict between a progressive and a conservative political leadership has generally resulted in two political parties that represent propertied class interests, one a conservative party that stands uncompromisingly for traditional propertied interests, the other a more liberal party that caters to rising propertied classes, and advocates some modification of property rights in the interest of the public welfare. If the conservative party has long been out of power it may become more liberal in some of its promises than the liberal party, in order to get back to power. Both parties ostensibly stand, primarily, for the public welfare, for no party could successfully appeal to voters by emphasizing the interests of a particular class. The nearest approach to such an appeal is that of a long dominant party which relies on the allegiance of a large mass of voters to enable it openly to seek the interests of the class it particularly serves. When a new 12 Tannenbaum, op. cit., 84-85. 13 See Chapter XXI. party arises, its leaders are too aware of the necessity of winning public support to make its avowed purpose the realization of the terests of a distinct class. It must appeal to voters of diverse e nomic interests and, in so doing, its platform emphasizes public w .* fare interests.14 But if the support behind the new party is analysed far enough it will be apt to be found to be some particular economic interests. Party organizations require funds for political campaigns, 15 and are dependent on the interested classes to furnish the funds.16 The 'propertied classes also largely control the press so that a political leadership which represents public welfare interests that conflict with propertied interests is not apt to get an adequate hearing. For these reasons the influential party organizations represent largely propertied classes. One party may serve the larger capitalistic interests, another the smaller manufacturers and merchants and agrarian interests which desire, primarily, freedom from the domination of the big interests; and a third party that makes more liberal promises to the working masses may yet be obliged to include in its platform clauses favouring legislation desired by capitalistic interests in order to get the necesary financial support. This control of political parties by propertied classes is maintained as unobtrusively as possible because universal suffrage and secret voting make it possible for the masses to resist effectively a class control which is openly and flagrantly exercised. Hence the shibboleth of government by the people is proclaimed by all parties, while each loses no opportunity to proclaim that the other is controlled by particular economic inter ests. The political control maintained by propertied classes up to the present time has encouraged a tendency to reaction rather than progress in political policy. One reason for this is that possession of political power increases the assurance given by possession of economic power, and stimulates the determination of propertied classes to maintain things as they are. They have, also, the immense social power that comes through their control of the press, which enables ļ them to control the information and impressions that the public shall 14 For instance, the leaders of the incipient Labor Party in the United States "were too aware of their obligations" to adopt a platform confined to labour interests. (Merz, "Enter: The Labor Party," New Republic, Dec. 10, 1919, 54.) 15 Ray, An Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics, 268-269, 450. 16 Though some money comes from men in moderate circumstances, much more comes from capitalistic interests. (Ibid. 270–271). |