whereas these emigrants had nothing-not even health. The subject of emigration has been discussed with much heat by its advocates and opponents, and in the case of Ireland the subject has been approached with peculiar bitterness. England argues that the miseries of Ireland are due to overpopulation, and Ireland maintains that a country capable in a year of famine of producing food for sixteen million persons, and containing five million acres of waste but improvable land cannot be said

to be too thickly peopled. The falseness of the over-population theory receives some support from the fact that, when Swift wrote his "modest proposal," Ireland, with two million inhabitants, was worse off than she was in '41 with more than four times that population, and in 1886, now that the population has been reduced to between four and five millions, she is little better off than when she fed double as many at home and was a larger exporter of food.

TALY was at peace, but was still enslaved and divided. The only Italian republic was the little San Marino; the only native Italian ruler, besides the pope, was the king of Sardinia, and Victor Emmanuel was an indolent despot. Three centuries of foreign rule had lowered the character of the Italian people, although during the French rule a great change for the better had begun. The Italians of the Southern Kingdom were sunk lower than those of the north, for they had borne the yoke far longer. All the Italian sovereigns were in strict alliance with the Austrian emperor, who, in return, guarenteed to keep them on their thrones. It was hopeless for the Italians by themselves to try to get rid of rulers who were upheld by so great a power: it was still more hopeless to make the attempt without union of action or place. Nevertheless, such attempts were made, and failed again and again, until at last the deliverance of Italy was brought about by the wisdom of statesmen who were content to bide their time, as well as by those who were ready to act when the time came. Before the Treaty of Vienna, plots were made by the members of a secret society, who were called the Carbonari. These men were violent democrats, and they now hoped to get rid of the rulers of Italy, and to set up a democratic government. The Neapolitans were much influenced by this society, and, in 1820, they called on King Ferdinand to grant them a constitution. They made a revolt so suddenly that the king was forced to grant them all that they asked for. But a few months later the emperors of

Russia and Austria, and the kings of Prussia, Sardinia, and Naples, had a conference at Laybach in Austria, and agreed to put down the insurrection. King Ferdinand, with the help of the Austrians, soon put down the movement. In March. 1821, first Alessandria and then Turin made an insurrection: the people of both places crying out for a constitutional government, such as Ferdinand of Naples had for the moment granted, and for war with Austria. But the king had been at Laybach, and had there promised that he could not make any concessions. He kept his word to the great sovereigns, and chose to give up his crown rather than have his power cut short. He was succeeded by his brother Charles Felix, who was at the time at Modena. In his absence Charles Albert, prince of Carignano, was made regent. This prince was descended from Charles Emmanuel, and, as Charles Felix had no children, he was the next heir to the throne. He was much pressed by the more violent Liberals and by the Carbonari; and either willingly, or from fear, or perhaps to secure his own succession, he granted the people the liberties for which they asked. When Charles Felix heard this he was very angry, and threatened to bring the Austrians down upon his people unless they yielded. Charles Albert had to retire into private life, and the king came to Turin, and for a time put an end to the hopes of the Liberals.

Francis, duke of Modena, had married a daughter of Victor Emmanuel and his Austrian queen. The Jesuits and the Austrian party tried hard to make Charles Felix name Francis as his successor, and so shut out Charles Albert, who was,

they thought, inclined to liberalism, but the king. would not agree to do this. The French Revolution of 1830 raised the hopes of the Italians. The Austrians made fresh efforts to work upon the mind of the king, but he refused to listen, and called Charles Albert to his court. In the beginning of 1831 Ciro Menotti and his party found that Duke Francis had deceived them. The insurrection broke out all the quicker. The duke of Modena and the duchess of Parma were forced to flee. The revolt broke out also in the Romagna against the government of the pope. The new pope, Gregory XVI., had no power to withstand the movement; he had no troops and no money. He sent to beg the help of Austria. This was readily granted. The duke of Modena and the duchess of Parma were brought back by the Austrians. The revolt in the Romagna was put down, and the pope was strengthened by the presence of Austrian troops. This insurrection of Central Italy was caused by the hope of support from France, but the Italians found themselves mistaken, for Louis Philippe, the king whom the French set up, could not help them in any way. But the French were jealous of the presence of the Austrians in the Papal States, and in 1832 they took possession of Ancona, and kept a garrison there until the Austrians withdrew their troops in 1838. As soon as the Austrians had crushed the revolt, Charles Felix died. He left his kingdom almost without an army, for he relied on the Austrians in case of need, and, he said, needed no other troops.

When the revolt of 1831 was put down, Italy was more than ever at the feet of the Austrians: all her rulers held their power simply by Austrian leave. Charles Albert was, from his former history, the most likely to take the headship in any attempt to throw off the yoke. He seems to have been willing to grant to his subjects, as king, the same charter which he had granted as regent. But this would have brought on a war with Austria, for which he had not sufficient strength; and France, to which the hopes of the Italians turned, could not give him any help. Nevertheless a party in Italy determined to give. him a chance of taking a decided step. A society chiefly composed of young men, many of them political refugees, was organized by a native of

Genoa, Giuseppe or Joseph Mazzini. This society was called Young Italy, and its members aimed at making their country united and republican. It was strongly democratic, because Giuseppe Mazzini, and others like him, thought that the working people were the noblest class, and that all others were selfish and corrupt, and also because there did not seem any chance of Italy being saved by any of her rulers. Mazzini was a man of far greater ability than most of his party; he was an eloquent speaker, and his hopes and thoughts were lofty but rather undefined. He had a restless spirit, and a passion for intrigue, but his turn of mind was unpractical, and he had no patience.

When Charles Albert came to the throne, Mazzini called upon him to take the command of the patriots, to defy Austria, and throw himself on "God and the People." The king was neither able nor willing to take such a step. Mazzini then tried to seduce the king's soldiers from their allegiance, and thus did what he could to weaken the only really Italian army that existed. These attempts were met by severe and cruel measures, and a large number were put to death by court-martial. Mazzini made Geneva his head-quarters, and there gathered together a small army of political refugees of different countries. In January, 1833, he made a raid upon Savoy, but the expedition utterly failed, and he took shelter in London. This wild invasion quite changed the feelings of the king. He was now exposed to danger from the same quarter which threatened Austria. He allied himself more closely with that power and with the Jesuits, and ruled his people with great severity. On the other hand, this raid of Polish and other refugees excited the anger of the Piedmontese against the extreme party, and the belief that the king's life was in danger helped to awaken a spirit of loyalty. During the next fourteen years several attempts were made against the rulers of Italy by members of the republican party, but they were in most cases foiled by spies and traitors.

A large number of Italians were waiting and working for the deliverance of their country in another way. The Moderate men did not expect to gain the freedom of Italy by violence without policy. They were strongly opposed to the schemes of Mazzini: and the greater part of them looked to

Charles Albert as the king under whom Italy should become free and united. They were brave enough to speak and to write in the cause of freedom, and to act when the time came; but they were content to wait till then. This party was strongest in Piedmont and Tuscany, for in both, though there was much evil, yet there was less oppression than in the rest of the land, and men were not goaded on to action. The opinions of this party were spread by a book called Delle Speranze d'Italia (On the Hopes of Italy), published about 1843 by Cesare Balbo, a son of the minister of Victor Emmanuel, which pointed out the king of Sardinia as the future liberator. In Milan Alessandro Manzoni raised his voice against the rule of the foreigners in his famous novel, I Promessi Sposi, in his poems, and in his tragedies.

During the reign of Gregory XVI. the breach between the Liberals and the Papalists grew wider each year. The pope was kept on his throne by the Austrians, and he followed the policy which pleased the emperor Ferdinand. He would not suffer any reform to be so much as named before him. On his death, in 1846, Cardinal Mastai Feretti was chosen pope, and took the title of Pius IX. The new pope immediately began a different policy. The power of the Gregoriani, as the Papalists of the last reign were called, came to an end. An amnesty to political offenders was put forth: liberty of speech and of complaints was granted. Two opposite parties looked on these reforms with anger. The Gregoriani were indignant and helpless; for the Roman people were delighted with their liberal pope, and triumphed over the party which had so long oppressed them. The extreme Republicans were angry and suspicious, because these reforms made the pope popular, and increased his authority.

In the autumn some disturbances were made in the streets of the city, and during the early part of the next year they became more frequent and seri

ous.

The cardinals were insulted and threatened, and the papal guard and police were not strong enough to keep the peace. The Liberal party then demanded that a National Guard should be formed. The Austrian government sent a strong remonstrance against this plan, but on July 6, 1847, the pope gave his consent to the formation of a National Guard, not only in Rome but throughout all

his states. In order to punish the pope for his disobedience, and to keep in check the people of his states, who had now become powerful because they were armed, the Austrian government sent troops into the pope's territory. A large detachment of Croats marched into Ferrara, and took possession of the city in spite of the papal legate. There had been for some time causes of dispute between Austria and Sardinia, chiefly about levying duties. The conduct of the pope now definitely changed the policy of Charles Albert. He turned for support from Austria to his own people, and declared that, if the Austrians went further, he would fight to the death for Italy and the pope.

The strength of the Republicans throughout Europe, and the example of the pope, stirred up the people of Italy to make a struggle for freedom. In Tuscany the suspicion of the Liberal party had been roused by some concessions which the government had made to Pope Gregory at the end of his reign. They now raised their voices for a National Guard, and the grand duke was forced to grant it to them. In Lucca, under its Bourbon duke, Charles Louis, the State was managed by one Ward, who had been a Yorkshire horse-jockey, and whom the duke had made a baron and his chief minister. In September, 1847, the people rose against the duke, but he managed to appease them at the time, and the next month he sold the duchy to the grand duke Leopold. An insurrection was made at Palermo at the beginning of 1848, and the king was forced to grant his people a constitutional government: his example was quickly followed by the king of Sardinia, the grand duke, and the pope.

In February, 1848, Louis Philippe was driven out of France, and a republic was again set up. This revolution raised the hopes of the Republicans all through Europe, and in a short time the disaffection, which had long been felt at Vienna, ended in an open revolt, and the government was also embarrassed by an insurrection in Hungary. The Italians took advantage of the difficulties of their Austrian masters. The Milanese attacked the Hungarian garrison under Marshal Radetzky, and, after a struggle which lasted for five days (March 18 to 23), drove him out of the city. Vicenza, Padua, Brescia, Bergamo, and other places openly joined the Milanese. The duke of Modena fled from his dominions. On March 22, the Venetians

rose against the Austrians, murdered the commandant of the arsenal, Colonel Marinovich, and raised the cry of Viva San Marco! which had not been heard for so many years. The Austrians left the city; a provisional government was set up, and Daniele Manin, a Venetian of Jewish blood, who had been foremost in the revolt, was placed at its head.

The king of Sardinia seized the opportunity to declare war against Austria. He crossed the Ticino, and defeated the Austrians at Goito. He was joined by crowds of volunteers from all parts of Italy. The army of the pope crossed the Po, and the king of the Two Sicilies was forced to allow General Pepe to advance northward. But Charles Albert had no fixed plan, and no military skill. He was successful until Radetzky received reinforcements, and then, July 25, he was utterly defeated at Custoza. The Austrians entered Milan again, and the country was declared under martial law. Nearly all the Northern Kingdom was subdued. Venice still held out under her Dictator Manin, and the Italians of the northern mountains still kept up an irregular warfare. They were led by Giuseppe Garibaldi, a native of Nizza. This famous leader had been a sailor; he had been banished from the Sardinian Kingdom because it was said that he took part in the plots of Mazzini. He then began a life of adventure, and for a time was in the service of the republic of Uruguay. He offered his services to Charles Albert, but the king was afraid of his republican feelings, and would not accept them. Nevertheless, when the Piedmontese Parliament met in 1848, Giuseppe Garibaldi sat as a deputy from Nizza. He helped the Milanese in their revolt, and for a time defended Brescia, until he was forced to retreat to the Alps. The Austrians occupied Parma and Modena, and put an end to the revolts there. The archduchess of Parma had died, and was succeeded by the ex-duke of Lucca, and he gave Radetzky leave to enforce martial law in his dominions. Meanwhile the pope and the king of the Two Sicilies retreated from the popular cause. The Pope was afraid when he saw that he would have to fight against Austria, and, in 1848, published an Encyclical, which declared that his troops had crossed the Po without leave. King Ferdinand, on May 15, slew the people of Naples in the streets, and took away all the liberties which had been

forced from him four months before, and vainly tried to bring Sicily into obedience by a bombardment of Messina.

The defeat of Custoza, and the pope's Encyclical, nearly crushed the moderate party, but the Republicans were active in Tuscany and in Rome. The pope and his ministers were now held to be false to the cause of Italian freedom, and the Roman people became riotous. The wisest of these ministers was Count Pellegrino Rossi. He was anxious to avoid an open breach between the frightened pope and the Republicans, lest Austria should interfere, but Papalists and Republicans alike longed to push matters to a crisis. On November 15, the count was assassinated as he entered the Chamber of Deputies. Then the disorder in Rome became great. pope shut himself up in the Palace of the Quirinal; and later retired to Gaeta. In Tuscany the extreme democrats defeated the moderate party, which was led by the marquess Gino Capponi.

The

War was declared against Austria, but it did not last quite four days, for on March 23d Radetzky crossed the Ticino, and utterly defeated the Piedmontese at Novara. The king gave up his throne to his son Victor Emmanuel. He left Italy, brokenhearted, and died four months after his defeat. After the pope left Rome the city was governed first by the Chamber of Deputies, and then by an Assembly chosen by universal suffrage. There were many people in the city who would gladly have received the pope back, if he would have yielded some things, but he refused to make any terms with them. The chief place in the republic was soon taken by Mazzini, who was made the first of the Triumvirs (or three head magistrates). The cause of the pope was taken up by the king of the Sicilies, which was natural and, which sounds more strange, by the French Republic against the Republic of Rome. The French were jealous of the power which Austria had in the peninsula, and seized the opportunity of meddling in the affairs of Italy. But the Romans were determined to defend their city, and sent for Garibaldi, who was in the Abruzzi, where he was guarding the frontier, and gave him the chief command.

In April, a French army under General Oudinot landed at Civita Vecchia, and tried to storm the city, but they were beaten back. The French now gave up all hopes of taking Rome by storm, and