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Thus it was that this remedy was so successful; in so much, that about sixteen years agoe those disturbances, even before and at this time so frequent and grievous to the people, did intyrely cease.

After the late unnatural rebellion, the Highlanders, who had been in arms against the government, fell into their old unsettled way of liveing, laying aside any little industry they had formerly followed, and returned to their usual violences and robberies.

About this time it was thought expedient to pass an act of parliament for disarming the Highlanders, which was, without doubt, in theory, a measure very useful and desireable; but experience has shewed that it has produced this bad consequence, that those who had appeared in arms, and fought for the government, finding it their duty to obey the law, did accordingly deliver up their arms; but those lawless Highlanders, who had been well provided with arms for the service of the Pretender, knowing but too well the insuperable difficulty for the government to putt that act into execution, instead of really complying with the law, they retained all their arms that were useful, and delivered up only such as were spoiled and unfitt for service; so that, while his Majestie's enemies remained as well provided and prepared for all sorts of mischief as they were before the rebellion, his faithful subjects, who were well affected, and ventured their lives in his service, by doing their duty and submitting to the law, rendered themselves naked and defenceless, and at the mercy of their own and the government's avowed enemies.

Upon this the plunders and robberies increased; but, upon the breaking of the independent companies in the year 1717, these robberies went on without any manner of fear or restraint, and have ever since continued to infest the country in a publick and open manner. The regular troops not being able to discover or follow them, and all the innocent people are with out arms to defend themselves. Thus, then, violences are now more notorious and universal than ever, in so much, that a great part of the country has, by necessity, been brought under the scandalous contributions before mentioned; and the rogues have very near undone many people, out of mere

resentment, for their distinguishing themselves in his majestie's service; and others are ruined who dare refuse to comply with such illegal insolent demands.

The method by which the country is brought under this tax is this: That when the people are almost ruined by continual robberies and plunders, the leader of the band of thieves, or some friend of his, proposes, that for a sum of money to be annually paid, he will keep a number of men in arms to protect such a tract of ground, or as many parishes as submitt to pay the contribution. When the terms are agreed upon, he ceases to steal, and thereby the contributors are saffe. If any refuse to pay he is immediately plundered. To colour all this villany, those concerned in the robberies pay the tax with the rest, and all the neighbourhood must comply, or be undone. This is the case (among others) of the whole low country of the shyre of Ross.

Arter the disarming act was passed, and those companies were broke, there were some other measures laid down for preserving the peace of the Highlands. Barracks were built at a very great expence, and detachments were made from the regiments in the neighbourhood to garrison them, and to take post in those places which were thought most proper for the repressing these disorders; but all this had no effect. The regular troops were never used to such marches, with their usual arms and accutrements, were not able to pursue the Highlanders; their very dress was a signal to the robbers to avoid them; and the troops, who were strangers to the language, and often relieved by others, could never get any useful intelligence, nor even be sufficiently acquainted with the situation of the several parts of the country, so as to take the necessary measures for pursuing the robbers when any violence was committed.

The effect of all which has been, that the government has been put to a great expence, and the troops have been fatigued to no purpose.

The officers of the law, for the peace, are the Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace; and, in time of any commotions, the Lieutennants and their deputies; which office, long disused, was revived and re-established at the time of the late rebellion.

It would seem to be highly necessar to the government that the Sheriffs and Lord Lieutennants should be persons having credit and interest in the shyre they are to govern,-they cannot otherways have the knowledge necessary, of the gentlemen and inhabitants, for performing the duty of their office, and making it useful for the advancing of his Majestie's interest. On the contrary, such ignorance creats many mistakes in the execution of their charge, tending to the interruption of justice, and rendering the people under them discontented and unwilling to act in the service of the government. In these cases, it has happened that, throw misrepresentations of the characters of the persons employed under them, deputy-sheriffs have been made every way unfit for their office,-ignorant, of bad reputation, and notoriously ill-affected to his Majesty.

There are two deputies of the shyre of Inverness, both of which were actually in the late rebellion, Robert Gordon of Haughs, and John Bailie, a late servant to the Duke of Gordon during the rebellion; and both these deputies were prisoners in the hands of Lord Lovat upon that account, who has now the mortification to see and feel them triumphant over him, loading him with marks of their displeasure.

ment.

In the shyre of Ross, the deputysheriff is Colin Mackenzie of Kincraig, who was likewise in arms with the late Earl of Seaforth against the governThe memorialist would not mention the encouragement the gentlemen of the name of M'Kenzie met with in prosecuting his Majestie's faithful subjects, least it should have the appearance of any personall resentment, were it not the publick debate and judgment of the House of Lords this last session, have published to the world, by relieving Mr George Munro from the oppression he lay under.

It cannot but be a very melancholy scene for all the well affected gentlemen and inhabitants in those parts, to find the very criminalls whom, a few years ago, they saw in arms and open rebellion in the Pretender's cause, vest

ed with authority over them, and now acting in his Majestie's name, whom they endeavoured to destroy, and to whom alone they owe their lives.

The constituting one person Sheriff or Lord Lieutennant over many shyres, has several bad consequences to his Majestie's service. There is one instance where eight lieutennancies are all joined in one person. The memorialist mentions this only as ane observation in general, without in the least detracting from the merit of any person whatsoever.

From some of those causes it likeways happens, that when several persons are recommended by the Sheriffs or Lieutennants, to be made Justices of the Peace, not all qualified for that office, without knowledge, mean, and of no estate nor character in the country, or ill-affected to government, and when most or all the well-affected gentlemen are left out of the commission, it naturally produces such confusion and discontents as to frustrat the institution and design of the office, to the disturbance of the peace of the country-to the lessening his Majestie's authority, and particularly, in all matters of excise, and a surcease of justice, and a vast detriment to the revenue.

The revival of the Justices of the Peace of Scotland, immediately after the union, was then esteemed a matter of the greatest importance to the government and interest of the protestant succession. It is therefore the more to be lamented, that throwout the whole north of Scotland, there is hardly any regular acting Commission of the Justices of the Peace; whereas, if the considerable gentlemen were appointed who have estates in their own county, and were all affected to his Majesty, there is no doubt but that office would be execute so as to be very useful to the government, and possibly pave the way for great improvements in the political state of the country. The memorialist, with all humility, submits these observations to his Majestie's consideration.

(Signed)

LOVAT.

REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

The Speech of Pascoe Grenfell, Esq. in the House of Commons, on Tuesday, the 13th of February 1816, on certain transactions subsisting betwixt the Public and the Bank of England. With an Appendix. London, Murray, 8vo. 1816.

Or late years the Parliament of Britain has signalized itself by collecting and disseminating information on several important points of national economy. We imagine it would be hard for the most determined reformer to shew how, by mere extension of the elective franchise, or any enlarged constitution of the legislative body, an House of Commons could be found more worthy in this respect, of the public confidence. At a time when party violence has graduated through various heights, until at last it seems to have reached its acme, it is well to resort to any thing which can excite, on fair grounds, a favourable view of the intelligence and integrity of the assembly which makes laws for us. On its reputation for wisdom or folly, the intellectual character, as well as the political spirit of the nation, must in some degree depend. So long as it contains men with the literature and habits of gentlemen, what is agreed on within its walls must have a strong sympathy with what is best in the public: and until the whole of that public, or at least that part of it whose leisure and education fits it for making a ready and decisive opinion on public acts and relations, shall become all at once, and permanently, wiser or better, it is evident that what could be done by a reformed House of Commons must depend more on the spirit, intelligence, and personal independence, of the unministerial part of its members, than on any new mechanism of the whole body. The character, not less almost than the existence, of the country, is in the hands of its responsible ministers. The country is not, nor cannot be aware, until from the nature of the thing it is perhaps too late, of how much both are on occasions committed; and it would be unreasonable to expect that the ministers themselves should be always aware of the true

own measures.

complexion or consequences of their mind, from a commendable contempt From occupation of of small difficulties, and from that human nature, it is clear that, in inevitable trust of self which pervades giving their minds to the rapid succession of affairs in a great nation like this, ministers must be far advanced in some measure resulting from a preceding one, before even the first outward results of that of which it is a consequence can be made apparent. This is almost always true with respect to great projects of state. It is just one of those fatalities in human affairs, which, by demanding an union of requisites the most opposite, operate as a constant check to any progress which tends beyond a certain point. It requires at once the longest reach of generalization, and the most untired capacity for particulars. There is nothing for all this but a phalanx in our legislative assembly, composed either of men who have known, or may wish to share, the duties of office themselves, and are not only disposed, but able, to criticise acutely the proceedings of its holders for the time being, -or of those who, without any turn for office, or experience of its duties, have yet sagacity and penetration to see when the public interests are attended to, and when they may be neglected, and with this, firmness to pursue their investigations, and good sense and management enough to make them understood and appreciated. It is creditable to any country to possess such men ; and we are of opinion, that it is from their influence that our House of Commons has derived to its proceedings a character of directness and sincerity which appears so greatly wanting in newly-formed legislatures elsewhere. While that House has men who devote their days and nights, their ease and their credit, their fortune and pleasures, to the public interest, it can never become contemptible from the indiscretion of injudicious assailants or weak defenders. Among those men, the speaker now before us merits, in our humble opinion, a conspicuous place.

A few circumstances in the history

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(From the German. Anonymous.) Der winter hat mit kalter hand, &a 1.

'Tis done :-by Winter's icy hand

Each summer weed is torn ;
The sweets are fled the wasted land,

The groves their tresses mourn;
And all the painted blooms that blow
Are wrapt in winding-sheet of snow.
2.

Yet, lovely flowerets! hope not ye
From me a dirge of doom, †
While still in one dear face I see
Your every beauty bloom,-
While still yon eye the Violet shows-

Yon cheek the white and damask Rose!

3.

What reck I Philomela's song

Where opening roses blow,

E.

(From the German of Klopstock.)

THE Spring, Aëdi, returns in light. The air is clear, the heaven blue, the bow'r is fragrant.

Light and soft breathe the gales of the west: The hour of the song, Aëdi, returns.

"I cannot sing:-my ears are deaf With the grasshopper's ceaseless chirpBut here let me swing on the bending spray, And gaze on my form in the crystal flood below."

Not sing!-and thinkst thou thy mother's heart

Can feel no anger?—

Thou must learn while we joy in the light of the Spring;

For thousand are the spells of our art,
And the days of brightness are few.
Away from the bending, swinging bough!-
And hear what erst of the spells of our art,
The Queen of Nightingales, Orphea, sung:
I tremble to pour the wondrous strain-
But hear, and repeat the strain—
Thus sung Orphea :-

Pour thy notes-let thy strain swell on the winds!

Breathe gently, till the sweet-falling tones are heard no more!

Hurried and loud let them rush through the waving grove !

Breathe soft and low, till the sweet tones die

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Which makes the cheek burn, and the fastfalling tears stream in silence ?"

More, more she sung

Ah! that thou hast asked me this,
How do I rejoice, Aëdi !—

While blest with strains from Madel's Yes, she sung the song of the heart.

tongue

Of sweeter silvery flow?

And Madel's breath the breeze outvies 'Mid hyacinthine groves that sighs!

4.

And while her lips' expanding glow
Mine ardent pressure meets,
The strawberry's purple mocks, and O !
Makes poor its richest sweets,
What can I ask, O May, of thee?
My Madel's more than Spring to me. J. F.

*"La Solitude est certainement une belle chose; mais il y a plaisir d'avoir quelqu'un qui sache répondre à qui on puisse dire de tems en tems que la Solitude est une belle chose." LA BRUYERE.

+ Ein sterbelied. VOL. I.

Now will I seek thee the trees of tenderest

boughs,

And bend for thee the quivering spray, That nearer thou mayst gaze on thy form in the flood.

This, too, she sung-
Orphea, the Queen of Songs-

-The Youth he stood, and wove the wreath,
As he wept it sunk from his hand :

The Maiden stood, and would not weep,
And gaz'd with tearless eyes on the youth
Then wak'd the Nightingale that higher song,
Which the deep spirit trembles to hear-
Then fled the maid to the arms of the youth-
Then flew the youth to the maiden's arms-
They wept in love's delight!
A. B.
3 F

REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

The Speech of Pascoe Grenfell, Esq. in the House of Commons, on Tuesday, the 13th of February 1816, on certain transactions subsisting betwixt the Public and the Bank of England. With an Appendix. London, Murray, 8vo. 1816.

Or late years the Parliament of Britain has signalized itself by collecting and disseminating information on several important points of national economy. We imagine it would be hard for the most determined reformer to shew how, by mere extension of the elective franchise, or any enlarged constitution of the legislative body, an House of Commons could be found more worthy in this respect, of the public confidence. At a time when party violence has graduated through various heights, until at last it seems to have reached its acme, it is well to resort to any thing which can excite, on fair grounds, a favourable view of the intelligence and integrity of the assembly which makes laws for us. On its reputation for wisdom or folly, the intellectual character, as well as the political spirit of the nation, must in some degree depend. So long as it contains men with the literature and habits of gentlemen, what is agreed on within its walls must have a strong sympathy with what is best in the public: and until the whole of that public, or at least that part of it whose leisure and education fits it for making a ready and decisive opinion on public acts and relations, shall become all at once, and permanently, wiser or better, it is evident that what could be done by a reformed House of Commons must depend more on the spirit, intelligence, and personal independence, of the unministerial part of its members, than on any new mechanism of the whole body. The character, not less almost than the existence, of the country, is in the hands of its responsible ministers. The country is not, nor cannot be aware, until from the nature of the thing it is perhaps too late, of how much both are on occasions committed; and it would be unreasonable to expect that the ministers themselves should be always aware of the true

own measures.

complexion or consequences of their mind, from a commendable contempt From occupation of of small difficulties, and from that human nature, it is clear that, in inevitable trust of self which pervades giving their minds to the rapid succession of affairs in a great nation like this, ministers must be far advanced in some measure resulting from a preceding one, before even the first outward results of that of which it is a consequence can be made apparent. This is almost always true with respect to great projects of state. It is just one of those fatalities in human affairs, which, by demanding an union of requisites the most opposite, operate as a constant check to any progress which tends beyond a certain point. It requires at once the longest reach of generalization, and the most untired capacity for particulars. There is nothing for all this but a phalanx in our legislative assembly, composed either of men who have known, or may wish to share, the duties of office themselves, and are not only disposed, but able, to criticise acutely the proceedings of its holders for the time being,

or of those who, without any turn for office, or experience of its duties, have yet sagacity and penetration to see when the public interests are attended to, and when they may be neglected, and with this, firmness to pursue their investigations, and good sense and management enough to make them understood and appreciated. It is creditable to any country to possess such men ; and we are of opinion, that it is from their influence that our House of Commons has derived to its proceedings a character of directuess and sincerity which appears so greatly wanting in newly-formed legislatures elsewhere. While that House has men who devote their days and nights, their ease and their credit, their fortune and pleasures, to the public interest, it can never become contemptible from the indiscretion of injudicious assailants or weak defenders. Among those men, the speaker now before us merits, in our humble opinion, a conspicuous place.

A few circumstances in the history

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