well; but it is time that the means were supplied from the profits of their own labour, and not from the bounty of the community.

In suggesting a plan for effecting the object in question, I take it for granted that it is possible to employ our population in objects of useful industry, the contrary supposition ap pearing to me to be a mere opinion, without proof or likelihood to support

it.

I propose, that in every county (or district of two or more counties, where these are small or not populous), one or more large manufactories, of that sort which will give the greatest employment to human labour, be erected at the public expense, and that these be surrounded by buildings fit to ac commodate, on a medium, from 2000 to 4000 persons, besides children; and that in these establishments every proper measure be taken to separate the young from the old, that the former may be kept from the contamination of vicious habits, and carefully instructed.

I apprehend that fifty-two for England and Wales (or at the rate of one for each county), and three for Scot land, will be sufficient. These, at the medium rate of 3000 persons for each, will accommodate 165,000 persons, besides children-a number which, there is reason to believe, will exceed the whole working poor of the kingdom, who, in ordinary times, cannot otherwise be employed. But to accommodate any increase of number, cheap temporary buildings of wood could be erected, as occasion required.

Without entering into details, I compute that the whole expense of each of these establishments would not exceed £160,000, or £8,800,000 in all; and that temporary buildings, with the necessary furniture, to accommodate 100,000 persons more, could be erected for £1,200,000; making a total expense of ten millions sterling.

Thus far might the suggestion of Mr Owen be adopted. Land in the neighbourhood might be rented, and laid out for garden-ground, to be cultivated, according to certain rules, by the members of the establishment, and the produce sold to defray the rent and expenses. This system, however, as I have said, would need to be limited by the extent of the mart for the pro

Every person, male or female, young or old, should be entitled to demand work in these establishments, and to be immediately accommodated with a lodging: Every family should obtain one apartment; and all the children above the age of three should be received into lodging-houses fitted for their reception. The number of unmarried grown-up persons to be put into one apartment should not exceed three.

The rate of labour should be fixed by statute, at a sum which should be merely sufficient to procure the neces saries of life; but a cheap and regular supply of those necessaries should be secured, proper market-places being provided, and contracts entered into with butchers, bakers, dairymen, and others, for the supply of the requisite provisions: these provisions the inhabitants should be suffered to purchase for themselves, no farther interference being made with their manner of living than would be were they living in towns, and employed in the manufac tories of individuals. In short, the inhabitants should be freemen, and not slaves-labourers for their own support, and not dependants on alms. They should live as they might at home, subject only to such regulations as should be necessary to secure the peace of the society, and to preserve, as far as possible, their own morals, and those of their children.

In order that every one might be paid in proportion to the time his strength or his wishes kept him at work, the rate of labour should be fixed by the hour. If that of the men were fixed at 1d., of the women at 14d., of boys and girls below a certain age at 1d.-each, by labouring a sufficient number of hours, might earn a support. The man who worked ten hours a day would receive 15d.; his wife might earn in proportion to the time she could spare from her domestic duties; and the children would contribute to their own maintenance. They should be paid weekly, and should be at entire liberty, with their families, to quit the society when they chose, and to seek elsewhere for more profitable or more agreeable employment.

All care should be employed in watching over the conduct of the

young, by keeping them as much as possible under the eye of those appointed to observe and instruct them. A certain part of each day should be devoted to their education; they should not be suffered to injure themselves by overworking; and they should be in dulged with opportunity and time for those healthy recreations which are suitable to the age, and beneficial to the temper, of children. Sixpence a day will support a young person, and six hours' labour would procure it.

The regulations of the society, and the rate of labour, being fixed by positive statute, the whole manufactory should be let for a term of from three to five years. Directors should be appointed to watch over the interests of the institution; to observe that the regulations, in regard to the rate of labour, &c. were rigidly fulfilled; and to appoint teachers, and the proper officer or officers to receive the rent and manage the disbursements. The lessee should be the sole proprietor of the manufactory in every thing else, paying and superintending his labourers, furnishing the materials, and receiving the profits of the manufactures. The directors should be the whole justices of peace of the county, who should annually appoint a special committee of their own number, or of gentlemen in the district. The rent, after defraying the expenses, should be applied as a sinking fund.

The sum required for the building and machinery could be raised by a public loan, a land-tax being imposed to pay the interest. This land-tax would be payable by the tenant, with recourse on his landlord, if the latter paid the poor's rates. Of all the taxes that could be devised, this would be the most easy; for while it would form a very small per centage on the pound of rent, it would ultimately relieve the land of at least four-fifths of its present burden.

The raising of ten millions Sterling would be of no injury in the present state of the money market. The expending of this great sum would at once give employment to many thousand mechanics and labourers. In the course of twelve months many of those manufactories would be erected, and in the course of three years the whole plan could be completed.-What then would be the result?-No person would need to be idle, or to suffer the VOL. I.

want of the necessaries of life, for a longer time than he could consume in travelling to one of those manufactories; and the most forlorn wretch would instantly have the power of becoming an industrious member of that society, to which he might have otherwise proved a burden and a curse. Many of the crimes and misfortunes of the poor might be traced to those intervals of idleness and discontent which the want of employment occasions and which are the times when the minister of blasphemy and treason is able to make his most numerous proselytes. But all occasion for those periods of misery and guilt would now cease. A poor man could, with a word, procure the means of support, without sacrificing in the least his independ ence; while he earned his bread, he would neither be a beggar nor a slave; he would have the power of introducing his family into a well-regulated society, instead of being forced, as must often occur at present, to carry it into the receptacles of misery and debauchery; his children would be trained to habits which they never else could have acquired; they would see, in their parents, persons honestly earning the means of life, and not the sharers and abusers of an ill-judged charity.

But as these establishments could not be completed at once, and, extensive as they may seem, would be insufficient to maintain the number of poor who are at present inadequately employed, I propose that an effort shall be made, worthy of a great state, to lighten in the mean time that mass of misery, which, pressing on the body of the people, excites a dark and brooding spirit of discontent, of which no human sagacity can foresee all the evils. It is well known, that in order to begin and complete innumerable works of public utility, as roads, bridges, canals, harbours, nothing is wanting but those funds which it exceeds the power of individuals or societies to procure. There is hardly a county in Britain, in which some of these great works would not be undertaken, if the means of doing so could be commanded. Let government, then, be authorised to procure by loan, a sum to the extent of five or six millions, and empowered to take

*

• Communicated to the Committee before Mr Vansittart's plan was made known. 21

shares in every canal, or similar work, which should be begun in the course of a short period to be specified, to an amount not exceeding three-fourths of the whole expense; and also, to advance money to a similar extent, at the rate of 3 per cent. for the building of bridges, making of new roads, &c.-a proportional part of their revenue be ing set apart to pay the interest and liquidate the debt. The benefits that would result from a measure of this kind would be unspeakably great. If proper enactments were made to hasten the beginning of the works, I will venture to assert, that in six months from the passing of the law, little short of one hundred thousand persons would be employed in objects of public utility.

The really helpless poor could not perhaps be better maintained than by moderate pecuniary allowances in the parishes in which they live. I shall not, however, extend my remarks, by entering on a subject which would merit and require a more minute analysis than I could now bestow upon it.

To the plan I have ventured to submit to your consideration, many objections of great force may doubtless be urged. But from these, it is not in the least probable that any measure which can be proposed or adopted will be free. Perhaps we shall do well in seeking to change a system to which the policy of the state has given all the sanction of time, to limit our hopes to the obtaining of a great good by the enduring of considerable evil.

ORIGIN OF THE TERMS, WHIG AND TORY.

I. "THIS year (says Hume; Hist. Eng. 1680) is remarkable for being the epoch of the well-known epithets of Whig and Tory, by which, and sometimes without any material difference, this island has been so long divided. The court party reproached their antagonists with their affinity to the fanatical conventiclers in Scotland, who were known by the name of Whigs: The country party found a resemblance between the courtiers and popish banditti in Ireland, to whom the appellation of Tory was affixed. And after this manner, these foolish terms of reproach came into public and general use; and even at present, seem

not nearer their end than when they were first invented."

II. Mr Laing takes no notice of the term Tory,-but of Whig, he gives the following as the origin :

"Argyle and Lothian had begun an insurrection in the Highlands," and so forth. "The expedition was termed the Whigamores inroad, from a word employed by these western peasants in driving horses; and the name, transferred in the succeeding reign to the opponents of the court, is still preserved and cherished by the Whigs, as the genuine descendants of the covenanting Scots."

III. Bailey, in his dictionary, gives the following:

"WHIG (Sax.) whey, butter-milk, or very small beer,"-again,

"A WHIG-first applied to those in Scotland who kept their meetings in the fields, their common food being sour-milk,t-a nickname given to those who were against the court interest in the times of King Charles and James II., and to such as were for it in suc eeeding reigns."

With regard to Tory, he says,

"A word first used by the protestants in Ireland, to signify those Irish common robbers and murderers, who stood outlawed for robbery and murder; now a nickname to such as call themselves high church men, or to the partizans of the Chevalier de St George.

IV. Johnson, again, has "WHIG (Sax.) 1. Whey.-2. the name of a faction," and as to TORY, he supposes it to be derived from an Irish word, signifying a savage." One who

For a further account of the term "Whigamore," see Burnet, as quoted in Johnson's Dictionary.

In different parts of Scotland the term Whig is still commonly applied to a sort of sour liquid which is obtained from milk or cream. The whig is taken from days for a kirning, and is drawn off by a cream after it has been collected six or eight spiggot from the bottom of the cask or can.

It is also taken from sour-milk, when in a coagulated state, or what the Scotch call lappert milk, being merely the thin watery substance which is separated from the curd on stirring it about. The whig, both of sourmilk and cream, is extremely tart to the taste. It is not, so far as we know, used in any way for food by the common people. Might not this term have been first applied

to the covenanters, in derision of their austere manners and unpalatable opinions? ED.

adheres to the ancient constitution of the state, and the apostolical hierarchy of the church of England-opposed to a Whig.

Torbhee is the Irish appellation for a person who seizes by force, and without the intervention of law, what, whether really so or not, he alleges to be his property.

V. Daniel Defoe, in No 75 of Vol. VII. of his Review of the British Nation,' (1709) gives the following history of these terms:

"The word Tory is Irish, and was first made use of in Ireland, in the time of Elizabeth's wars there. It signified a kind of robbers, who being listed in neither army, preyed in general upon their country, without distinction of English or Irish.

"In the Irish massacre in 1641, you had them in great numbers, assistant in every thing that was bloody and villanous, and particularly when humanity prevailed upon some of the Papists to preserve Protestant relations; these were such as chose to butcher brothers and sisters, fathers and mothers, and dearest friends and nearest relations and these were called Tories.

"In England, about the year 1680, a party of men appeared among us, who, though pretended Protestants, yet applied themselves to the ruin and destruction of their country. They quickly got the name of Tories.-Their real godfather, who gave them the name, was Titus Oates; and the occasion, as follows: the author of this happened to be present. There was a meeting of some people in the city, upon the occasion of the discovery of some attempt to stifle the evidence of the witnesses (about the popish plot), and tampering with Bedlow and Stephen Dugdale. Among the discourse, Mr Bedlow said, he had letters from Ireland, that there were some Tories to be brought over hither, who were privately to murder Dr Oates and the said Bedlow.

"The doctor, whose zeal was very hot, could never hear any man talk after this against the plot, or against the witnesses, but he thought he was one of these Tories, and called almost every man who opposed him in discourse a Tory; till at last the word Tory became popular, and they owned it, just as they do now the name 'highflyer.'

"As to the word Whig, it is Scots. The use of it began there, when the

STRILA.

TALES AND ANECDOTES OF THE

PASTORAL LIFE.

No III.

As soon as the marriage ceremony was over, all the company shook hands with the young couple, and wished them every kind of joy and felicity. The rusticity of their benisons amused me, and there were several of them that I have never to this day been able to comprehend. As for instance,one wished them " thumpin luck and fat weans ;" another, "a bien rannlebauks, and tight thack and rape o'er their heads;" a third gave them " & routh aumrie and a close nieve ;" and the lasses wished them " as mony hinny moons as the family had fingers an' taes." I took notes of these at the time, and many more, and set them down precisely as they were spoken; all of them have doubtless meanings attached to them, but these are perhaps the least mystical.

I expected now that we should go quietly to our dinner; but instead of that, they again rushed rapidly away towards the green, crying out, "Now for the broose! now for the broose!""The people are unquestionably mad," said I to one that stood beside me; "are they really going to run their horses again among such ravines and bogs as these? they must be dissuaded from it." The man informed me that