In 1791, the committee of catholics agreed upon a petition to parliament; but, incredible as it may appear, the catholics, though, as we have frequently mentioned, they constituted the great majority of the nation, had not even in this state of amelioration, sufficient influence to induce any one member of parliament to present it.

It is painful to relate that, during this time, the administration had been endeavouring to counteract the views of the catholics, by a negociation with some of their principal nobility and gentry; and that this was so far successful, that, at a meeting of the general committee, held in December 1791, for the purpose of considering of the policy of petitioning parliament, a division took place: but fortunately the party of the nobility were left in a minority of seventeen to ninety.

The committee delegated Mr. Devereux, Mr. Edward Byrne, Mr. John Keogh, and two other gentlemen to negociate with Mr. Pitt: they were directed chiefly to insist upon five objects,the elective franchise, their admission to grand juries, to county magistracies, to high shrievalties, and to the bar. Mr. Keogh was the soul of the delegation he possessed a complete knowledge of the subject, uncommon strength of understanding, firmness of mind, and a solemn imposing manner, under an appearance of great humility, which obtained him an ascendancy over almost every person with whom he conversed. On one occasion, he was introduced to the late Mr. Dundas, afterwards Lord Melville. He was surrounded by several

persons of distinction, and received the delegates with great good humour, but some state; a long conference ensued, and the result was not favourable to the mission of Mr. Keogh. After a short silence, Mr. Keogh advanced towards Mr. Dundas, with great respect, and mentioned to him, that "there was one thing, which it was essential for "him to know, but of which he had not the "slightest conception." He observed to him that "it was very extraordinary that a person of Mr. "Dundas's high situation, and one of his own hum

ble lot, (he was a tradesman in Dublin), should "be in the same room: but since it had so hap"pened, and probably would not happen again, "he wished to avail himself of the opportunity of making the important disclosure: but could not "however think of doing it, without Mr. Dundas's express permission, and his promise not to be of"fended." Mr. Dundas gave him this permission and promise. Still Mr. Keogh was all humility and apology, and Mr. Dundas all condescension. After this had continued for some time, and the expectation of every person present was wound to its highest pitch, Mr. Keogh approached Mr. Dundas, in a very humble attitude and said,-"Since you give me this permission, and your deli"berate promise not to be offended, I beg leave to "repeat,—that there is one thing, which you ought "to know, but which you don't suspect,-you, “Mr. Dundas, know nothing of Ireland.”

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Mr. Dundas, as may be supposed, was greatly surprised; but with perfect good humour, told Mr.

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Keogh, that he believed this was not the case: "it was true that he never had been in Ireland, but he "had conversed with many Irishmen. I have drunk,' he said, many a good bottle of wine with lord "Hillsborough, lord Clare and the Beresfords.""Yes sir," said Mr. Keogh, "I believe you have; "and that you drank many a good bottle of wine "with them before you went to war with America."

An excellent account of the bill of 1793, and of the principal circumstances relating to it, and of the subsequent events in the history of the Irish catholics, is given by sir Henry Parnell in the history which we have so often cited. It represents the author's own mind, completely accurate, completely informed, and completely honourable. We particularly recommend to the reader the perusal of those parts of it which show that the conduct of the catholics, during the Irish insurrections, was not only blameless but praiseworthy ;-and those which state what are called, the promises made to the catholics, to procure their co-operation in the Union.

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We shall close these memoirs by transcribing the concluding page of sir Henry's admirable history. We shall insert in the Appendix *, his account of the various disabilities, to which the roman-catholics of Ireland are still liable.

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Having now traced the history of the penal "laws and the catholics, from the treaty of Limerick "down to the Union, it remains only to make a "conclusion of this work, by collecting the several

* See Appendix, Note IV.

"inferences which may be drawn from the facts " contained in it.

"In the first place,-the catholics have to complain of three distinct breaches of faith by the government of England;-1st. In the violation “of the treaty of Limerick ;—2d. In the recall of "lord Fitzwilliam ;-and 3d. In the treatment "which they have received since the Union.

"Secondly,-They have to complain of having "endured a greater share of insult and of oppres"sion than it ever was the lot of any other people "in any other country to be exposed to.

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Thirdly,―They have it in their power to repel all those charges, which have been made against them for being disloyal to the house of Brunswick, — 1 st. By their conduct in 1715;— 2ndly, By their conduct in 1745;-3dly, By "their conduct during the American war;-and, 66 lastly, by their conduct in 1798.

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"Fourthly,-They have it in their power to "show, that their clergy have, at all times, incul"cated sound doctrines of morality, of peace and "submission to the government, and of brotherly "affection for their protestant fellow countrymen.

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"Fifthly,-They can prove that their religious principles have been wholly misunderstood; and "that these principles are not, in any degree, "repugnant to their duty as loyal subjects.

"Sixthly,-This very important inference may "be drawn from what has already been stated, "namely, that for a long period of time, there has "prevailed amongst the protestants of Ireland, a very

general inclination to concede to the catholics a participation with them, in constitutional pri"vileges.'

"And lastly, when we consider the effects, "direct and collateral, of such a penal code as has "existed in Ireland, it is not too much to say, that "it may be laid down as incontrovertibly proved, "that to the penal code it is, that England has to "look as the source of all alarm, she now entertains "for the safety of Ireland; and that to England, "Ireland has to look for the cause of all the misery "and degradation which, at this day even, pecu"liarly mark her character among the nations of "the world."