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meant, so perhaps it would be better to draw a veil.

I myself went on into the village, where I discovered the elephant that had brought us from camp, and was enabled to communicate with our friends and inform them of our plight, so that search might be made if the things did not turn up before the train left, for it was impossible for us to delay our return. About three in the morning I was awakened by one of our friend's chuprassies, who informed me that we should find everything at the next station, as the carts had gone there by mistake. Sure enough, as the train pulled up some twenty minutes after starting, before a red-brick shanty in the heart

of the jungle, I saw my servant at the side of the line, for platform there was none. Between us we bundled everything into the carriage, as the place did not boast of coolies, and the train sauntered on.

So concluded almost the most pleasant ten days I have ever spent. Given fine weather and congenial company, there is a charm in the jungle and camp during an Indian cold season that puts all the attractions of civilisation and social gaieties into the shade. Out in the open-air all day, one feels fitter than the proverbial fiddle, and there is not a single waking hour which is not replete with interest and excitement.

E. F. KNOX.

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THE PALACE OF PEACE-MR ANDREW CARNEGIE, PHILANTHROPIST -WHAT IS WORTH FIGHTING FOR?. THE EXAMPLE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC-THE ENGLISH NOVEL.

THE Palace of Peace, which has lately been opened at The Hague, might more properly be called the Palace of Cant. In other words, it is acclaimed chiefly by those generous and foolish souls who cannot distinguish between between "is" and "ought to be," who pretend to themselves, in true hypocrisy, that we live in a world wherein all passions, save commercial greed, are extinct, and that there is nothing more left for mortal man to desire than to make as much money and as quickly as he can. If we may trust the descriptions afforded by the public prints, the Palace resembles nothing so much as a very costly and rather vulgar hotel. It is surrounded by a "well-timbered "park, in which obscure diplomatists may spend a happy day. It boasts a restaurant, whose cooking is said to be "unexceptionable." And if these material advantages do not bring peace to the world, then will man remain a fighting animal unto the end of time.

The Palace is the gift of that eminent philanthropist, Mr Andrew Carnegie, and this fact is enough of itself to place it under a well-merited suspicion. The old superstition that money does not smell should long ago have been renounced. Money never loses its scent, and upon every sovereign of

Mr Carnegie's giving there is the taint of hatred and hostility. His chief claim to notoriety was won by the production of an insolent book, 'Triumphant Democracy.' This masterpiece of impertinence is dedicated "to the beloved republic, under whose equal laws I am made the peer of any man, although denied political equality by my native land." Thus he strikes the note of enmity, and while he does not tell us for what transgression he was deprived of political equality by his native. land, it is plain that he boasts when he proclaims himself the peer of any man. He is the peer only of millionaires precisely as successful as himself. The one kind of warfare which he tolerates is the bitter, grinding warfare of commerce, in which more gold than blood is shed, and in which not a minute is lost, for those who are resolved to grow rich by the labour of others. Mr Carnegie, as far as we know, has never done anything, or invented anything by his own endeavours. He has understood the task of making a trust, and therefore he is in an excellent position to teach the rest of the world manners and morals. The words "throne" and "king"-ridiculous words he calls them throw this wealthy democrat into a fury

of uncontrollable anger. "A royal family," says he, "is an insult to every other family in the land." A poor man, perchance, might find an insult in the flaunting of millions. But the great Mr Carnegie is gracious. He likes nothing better than poverty-in others. "Give us poverty, honest poverty," says he, with a tear rolling down his rugged cheek; and you may be quite sure that he will not devote his millions to destroying that lack of pence which he finds beneficial in his inferiors.

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For money that is inherited he can find no excuse. be Mr Carnegie's equal you must have toed his line; you must have made your money by the familiar methods; you must have lived for the rest of your life on the proceeds of a fortunate manœuvre. For "the average peer Mr Carnegie has a profound contempt. He is "a wretch, concentred all in self," who "doubly dying, shall go down To the vile dust, from whence he sprung, Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung." What Mr Carnegie does not know about the making of money may not be worth knowing. He has not discovered the elementary truth that there are other less reputable ways of making it than by inheritance. However, as we have said, he reserves his choicest insults for thrones and their occupants. He condemns with an unctuous pomposity all "thrones and royal families, and the influences necessarily surrounding them the vile brood they breed." He declares amiably that "the

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Queen of England insulted labour every moment of her life." He holds his sides with laughter when he thinks of "the great democratic continent of Australia really subject to the little island, and to the funny monarchy and its antiquated forms.' Americans, he tells us, would not tolerate the abuse of a royal family for an instant. "Turn the rascals out," they would cry, and thus prove themselves more than a match in urbanity for Mr Carnegie himself. But what filled Mr Carnegie's sturdy pate fullest of disgust was the idea that any one should be "required to kiss " the Prince of Wales's hand when he came to the throne. did not entertain a lofty view of the honour of English statesmen. He believed that there was not a man in Britain of the rank of a Cabinet Minister "but would have bowed, and that low and repeatedly, if desired, to Gesler's cap." A life spent in the barren collection of dollars no doubt justifies Mr Carnegie in imputing cowardice to others. But the Prince of Wales's hand seemed to him a far worse object to salute than Gesler's cap. "The first man who feels as he ought to feel," says our money-bag, "will either smile when the hand is extended, at the suggestion that he should so demean himself, and give it a good hearty shake, or knock his Royal Highness down." Neither Mr Carnegie's ignorance nor Mr Carnegie's wealth can excuse this kind of effrontery. England is bound to the throne by centuries of immemorial

loyalty, and if this loyalty is offensive to Mr Carnegie, there are still ships sailing for New York.

However, it is well to remember, when we contemplate the gilded Palace at The Hague, that it was built with the hoarded dollars of Mr Carnegie. Even if the object were a just and true one, the Palace of Peace, established upon the wealth of Pittsburg, would stand condemned.

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that poets sing their songs, or scholars write their books. It is not for money that the true philanthropist not the millionaire- devotes his life to the betterment of his fellow-men. It is not for money that the explorer sails unknown seas, or that the man of science, working in seclusion, discovers new and healing elements. The profit of war, then, may be dismissed as immaterial. Men will fight in the future, as they have fought in the past, for an idea, for a religion, for a sense of freedom, as well as for land, or prestige, or aggrandisement. We shall vary in our judgments concerning the necessity of war unto the end of time. Some will think an extension of territory, useless if you like, the best excuse. Others will be happiest in fighting in defence of their home. Carlyle, not eminently a an eminently a man of war, saw the breaking-point in universal suffrage. He thought that when once "the official declaration of the account of heads" was substituted for "the reverence of God's eternal law," it was time to draw the sword. "Peace is good," said he, "but woe to the cowardly caitiff of a man, or collection of cowardly caitiffs, styling themselves Nation, that will have 'peace' on these terms! They will save their ignoble skin at the expense of their eternal loyalty to the highest God. Peace? Better war to the knife, war till we all die, than such a 'peace.' Reject it, my friend, I advise thee; silently swear by God above, that, on earth below, thou for thy part

is the object just and true?
Is any object just and true
which refuses to accept the
familiar facts of life, and which
deliberately menaces the safety
of our Empire for the mere
pleasure of supporting a fal-
lacy? The first argument of
the "peacemakers -we de-
cline to call them "pacifists," a
barbarous name chosen by
themselves, which shows that
they have as little hold on
words as on facts
facts is an
economic argument. Mr Cob-
den discovered, some sixty
years ago, that war was
unprofitable," and thanked
God for the discovery.
gave no aid to the sacrosanct
practice of buying in the
cheapest and selling in the
dearest market. And others
in our day have echoed Mr
Cobden's words. Their pro-
cess of reasoning is something
as follows: Man does nothing
except for profit. War is
unprofitable. Therefore war
must cease to exist. Of course
we cannot accept the major
premiss. It is far nearer
the truth to say that no-
thing is done for the sake
of profit that is worth the
doing. It is not for money

It

is an honest challenge to peace, a clear acceptance of war. That Carlyle was right, that war is a far less evil than universal suffrage, we cordially agree. Would that the men of England had shown something of the philosopher's courage! Here, then, is an ideal -the ideal of & restricted suffrage for which Carlyle was ready to fight. Obviously there was no profit in the conflict; it was not for a heavier money - bag that Carlyle urged his countrymen to take up arms: it was for the sake of their eternal loyalty to the highest God. Even the professional "peacemakers" themselves, bellicose rascals that they are, threaten revolution if their views are not instantly accepted. No one less than Aristophanes could do justice to a situation such as this. Here, indeed, breathes the true comic spirit. The friends of peace making an armed revolution, for it must be armed, merely to demonstrate the superior virtues of peace at any price! Would they fortify Mr Carnegie's Palace, we wonder, against all comers? And would they emerge from the strife crushed and beaten, yet with the lust of battle still burning in their hearts?

will never accept it." There to defend a theory of life or morals. And if this ideal of the counting-house, this rigid sense of profit and loss, were based upon facts, we should still have to fight it as the most ignoble expression of human greed. The exaltation of commerce, for which the "peacemakers" would displace the glory and the hardship of war, merely shifts the battle from one field to another. It substitutes Homestead for Waterloo, and no one who knows the stories of the two fields could hesitate to acclaim the greater humanity of Waterloo. In fact, it is not the cessation of war for which the "peacemakers" clamour; it is the substitution of a baser for a nobler warfare. They would still fight with a greater ferocity than ever was displayed by brave and honest soldiers; but the weapons which they would use would be the fiercer weapons of the mart. The field of their endeavour would be strewn with the bodies of the small merchants, squeezed out and ruined, of the poor devils who had dared who had dared to thwart the imperious onset of their monopoly. And then, when they have succeeded in gathering into their own hands all the profits of their trade, they will lift up their voices unctuously in dispraise of war, and thank God that Mr Rockefeller, that prince of men and moneymakers, has thrown Wellington and his achievements into the shade.

The profitable theory of war, then, can be sustained neither by history nor by human nature. Again and again has England been brought to the verge of bankruptcy by military adventures. Again and again have we taken up arms

And having established to their own satisfaction the

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