preserves the contention between the colonies and the mother country, when every thing worth contending for is, in reality, given up. When this act is repealed, I presume you will turn your thoughts to the postage act, a tax imposed by the authority of parliament, and levied in the very heart of the colonies. I am not sufficiently informed on the subject of that excise, which you say is substituted in North America for the laws of customs, as to deliver such an opinion on it as I would abide by. Yet I can easily comprehend that, admitting the necessity of raising a revenue for the support of government there, any other revenue laws but those of excise, would be nugatory in such a country as America. I say this with great diffidence, as to the point in question, and with a positive protest against any conclusion from America to Great Britain." In one of Wilkes's letters to Junius, he tells him, "that the American Dr. Lee, the author of the letters signed "Junius Americanus," is the author of the preamble and resolutions, upon which Junius was commenting. The authority of Junius, adverse as his opinions certainly were to American rights, might have been injurious to the cause of the colonies, by abating the zeal of the opposition in its faThis consequence was at once discerned by Mr. Lee, who, unawed by the name and ability of Junius, and true to the cause nearest his heart, determined to controvert, by a direct reply to his letter to Wilkes, his opinions respecting American taxation. In a subsequent letter of Wilkes to Junius (page 189 of the edition already quoted), Wilkes tells him that he had laid his letter before the society, and "that Dr. Lee had told him he thought the letter capable of a full answer, which he meant to lay before the society on a future day, which he would first communicate to him."

vour.

Mr. Lee made good his intention, and wrote an answer and transmitted it to Junius. No one had before answered this able writer with success. The boldness of Mr. Lee was amply sustained by his talents, which drew from Junius himself the following compliment, and an invitation to aid him, "where he thought him right,

as he had opposed him, where he thought him wrong." At page 209 of Woodfall, Junius thus writes to Wilkes. "My American namesake is plainly a man of abilities, though a little unreasonable, when he demands more than an absolute surrender of the fact. I agree with him, that it is a hardship on the Americans to be taxed by the British legislature; but it is a hardship inseparable in theory, from the condition of colonists in which they have voluntarily placed themselves. If emigration be no crime to deserve punishment, it is certainly no virtue to claim exemption; and however it may have proved essentially beneficial, the mother country was but little obliged to the motives of the first emigrants. Au reste, I see no use in fighting this question in the news papers; nor have I time. You may assure Dr. Lee, that to my heart and understanding, the names of American and Englishman are synonymous; and that as to any future taxation upon America, I look upon it as near to impossible, as the highest probability can go

I hope, that since he has opposed me, where he thinks me wrong, he will be equally ready to assist me, where he thinks me right."

In the following letter of Mr. Lee to one of his brothers, he mentions, with other incidents of the day, the formation of the society of "the Bill of Rights." The reason, why the "North Britons" (as he terms the Scotch) were so opposed to this society was, that it was formed of those who were friendly to Wilkes and his cause. The dislike, entertained by Junius and Wilkes, of the Scotch, and their abuse of them, will be recollected by the reader. There was a strong prejudice at this time prevailing in England against the Scotch, arising from the fact that most of the influential members of the ministry and their party, were Scotchmen. George the III. had been educated under the care and guardianship of the Earl of Bute, who was of Scotch descent, and was strongly attached to Scotch politicians. He had imparted this partiality to the king, who in the early part of his reign, bestowed most of the highest and more lucrative places on them. This partiality, however just

VOL. I.

4

in itself, was indiscreetly indulged. The English part of the empire became jealous of this bias in the mind of the king; and jealousy at length rose to discontent and complaint. It was not strange that the opposition should have made the most of this temper of the people of England, and that the "North Britons" should have adhered closely to the ministerial party. The society of the Bill of Rights, being an efficient organ of opposition, could not fail of being an object of denunciation by them. In this letter Mr. Lee mentions a curious anecdote, that a speech had been made in England, for Lord Botetourt, to be delivered by him on his arrival in the colony of Virginia, to the House of Burgesses; that this speech had been debated in the King's Privy Council, where Lord Shelburne (always the friend of the colonies) had succeeded in expunging a part of it, requiring from the house of burgesses of that colony, an express acknowledgment of the principle of the declaratory act, which that body had resolutely declared to be unconstitutional.

"My Dear Brother, I hardly thought the distance of the ocean between us was so immense, that not a line. from you, or any one else in Virginia, could have reached Yet so I hitherto unhappily experienced.

me.

May I give you joy, as I do our brother William, who has changed his voyage to India, in the Princess of Wales, into one to the land of matrimony, in the Miss Ludwell. As a warm climate suits not with him, I hope he will find a temperate one in the place of his destination.

The esquire writes me, of your not being any longer a member of the assembly. How immoderately lazy you

are!

I have sent all the political pamphlets worth reading to Richard Henry, which I suppose you will read. We are here in very great confusion, parties run so high. Mr. Wilkes is expelled a third time, and will be re-chosen. The two Irish chairmen condemned to death for a murder at the Brentford election, have been pardoned, on a groundless and venal opinion of ten surgeons, five of

whom were placemen, that the blow did not appear to them to be the cause of the death. So not one person has suffered for that unparalleled outrage.

Several addresses have been obtained, condemning the opposition and flattering the ministry. But they are the fruit of force and fraud, and serve rather to manifest a contrary sense in the people, to that which they convey to the throne. The address of the merchants of London was presented yesterday. The mob rose against it, and shut the city gates, and put the whole cavalcade to flight. The shattered remains escaped to St. James', accompanied by a hearse, representing the murder of Allen. The bells were muffled, and were tolled as the addressers passed along Fleet-street, which leads to the city gate. Neither the form, nor the propriety of this address, were ever submitted to the merchants; but these were determined by Mr. Boehem, Mr. Dingley, and Mr. Muilman; the former a man of reputation and credit as a merchant, the two others of bad characters; the first and last Dutchmen. The merchants had it only in their option to sign it or not to sign it; the placemen, tools, and Scotsmen, chose the former; and their act passes for that of all the merchants. There never was a more infamous transaction. Mr. Molleson, Mr. Guest, and Mr. Buchanan, were among the signers.

The affairs of America received their final discussion last week, in the rejection of the New-York petition. The ministry carry every thing, with an absolute majority. A set of men could hardly be chosen, more despised, here, and in America; but they coincide with the views of court; and while such principles remain there, 'tis of little moment who are in the administration. We have little hope from any change, and seem so little faithful to our own cause, that it is confidently asserted, that more goods than ever have been shipped to America this year. If be thus, we infamously lay down the only weapons we have; slavery is our due, and it will infallibly be our portion.

The worthy Lord Barrington moved the other day for empowering the officers in America to quarter the sol

diers in private houses. But the ministry being divided upon it, a negative was the fate of his motion.

A number of gentlemen have formed an association under the title of Supporters of the Bill of Rights, which gives no small offence to administration, and to the North Britons, because they patronize subscriptions for Mr. Wilkes, and are determined to pay his debts, and make him independent. The chief of them are St. John, St. Aubin, Sir John Molesworth, Sir Joseph Mawbey, Mr. Sawbridge, Mr. Turner, Mr. Townsend, Mr. Maclean, Mr. Glyn, members of parliament; Sir Cecil Wray, also a member; Lord Viscount Montmerries, Sir Francis Delaval, Sir John Barnard, all of them independent, and except Maclean and Townsend, of very considerable family and fortune. Mr. Sawbridge is a brother of the celebrated Mrs. Macauley. The addresses are principally levelled at this association. I have been at one of their meetings, but my purse is not equal to my inclination to support the Bill of Rights.

Your governor's speech was drawn up here, and debated in council. Before he went out, Lord Shelburne obtained the expunging of an express requisition from your assembly, of an acknowledgment of the Declaratory Bill. If therefore any such is made, it is on the sole authority of Lord Hillsborough.

My love to all with you, particularly to Mrs. Lee, if yet so constituted. Adieu, &c.

London, March 23d, 1769.

ARTHUR LEE.