The death of the Emperor Alexander has let loose the military propensities of the Russian government, and keen and angry negotiations have been, for some time, carried on with the Turks. It is now confidently stated, that the Duke of Wellington's mission was strongly connected with these negotiations, and that it is the determination of England to give her authority to the Russian demands. The Russian demands apply, in the first and principal instance, to the cession of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. It may be interesting to our readers, to receive from sources which we believe perfectly authentic, a sketch of these provinces, which are so likely to be the seat of a most formidable and eventful war.

The present governors are Greeks of the Fannar, or quarter of Constantinople, inhabited almost exclusively by the principal Greek interpreters, and others who look to public and diplomatic employment.

The Greeks of Constantinople had, from the fall of their empire, continued in the usual humiliation of the slaves of the Turks, until the rise of the celebrated Mavrocordato, a name since rendered more honourably conspicuous in the history of Greek independence.

Alexander Mavrocordato had been a merchant, carrying on an obscure trade in Scio; in the course of his voyages to Constantinople, he came in contact with some of the Divan. His sagacity and knowledge of languages were found useful; and, after some minor employments, he was sent as Turkish ambassador to the Congress of Carlowitz.

Mavrocordato there sustained his reputation; and, on his return, obtained so much influence with the Porte, that he was enabled to fix his son Nicholas in the governments of Wallachia and Moldavia.

The immediate contiguity of those provinces to the dominions of Austria and Russia, the two terrors of the Porte, and the obvious certainty that. in all attacks on the Ottoman empire, they must be the first to bear the collision, assisted Mavrocordato's patriotism; for, ambitious and selfish as he was, the Greek spirit in him di

rected his views to raising the fallen name of his countrymen. The necessity of placing at the head of those outworks of the empire, men of European intelligence and activity, compelled the Porte to choose their governors among the Greeks; and by Mavrocordato's influence, a rule was made in the Divan, that no man should be appointed who had not previously served as state interpreter at Constantinople.

This produced an immediate and remarkable result upon the habits of the Greeks in the capital. European languages and foreign knowledge became the study of a large class. Diplomacy assumed the rank of a peculiar profession, conferring permanent public distinction on all who had been employed, and even on all who had adopted its study. The "diplomatic Greeks" established for themselves a species of Nobility, fully acknowledged by their countrymen. Embassies and similar employments were considered as their exclusive rights; and feeble as their attainments may have been, and fickle and vain as their national spirit, in the Greeks of the Fannariot were to be found the chief remnant of the Greek civilization; and, as we have since seen, the first promise and power of national independence. But this administration had unfortunate effects on the Principalities. Their government once placed within the reach of the Greeks, became a perpetual source of intrigue at Constantinople. Among the officers of the Porte, bribery seems to be the natural way to every object. The Fannar was crowded with candidates bidding over each other. The Turks, who throve at once by the plunder of a deposed Hospodar, and by the bribe of the candidate for his succession, took good care that the depositious and successions should be frequent; and thus there were no fewer than forty new sovereigns of Moldavia alone, during a space of about ninety years, down to the year 1800, without including the thirteen years of three forcible occupations by the Austrians and Prussians. Moldavia had thus a new sovereign on an average of every two years; and every sovereign, a purchaser of this capricious throne, and

making up his purchase-money by the indiscriminate robbery of the people. Russia, whether through feelings of humanity, rare in the bosom of great warlike powers, or through the more probable motives of ambition, in the year 1792, at the peace of Jassy, took up the cause of those harassed provinces, and demanded, by her right of interference, established by the treaty of Kainargik, that the sovereigns of Wallachia and Moldavia should be retained in their governments during seven years.

As this treaty of Kainargik is the great diplomatic instrument on which all the subsequent negotiations have been founded, and to which Russia now appeals, the articles relative to these provinces are here given :

July 10, 1775.

"The court of Russia restores to the Sublime Porte the whole provinces of Bessarabia, with its fortified places, viz. Akkerman, Killia, Ismail, Bender, and the other towns and villages within that province, as well as the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, with the fortresses, capitals, towns, and villages belonging to them.

"The Sublime Porte in taking possession of them, solemnly engages to observe the following conditions, without the least deviation :

1st, "To acknowledge and maintain the two Principalities, the established customs, rank, dignities, property, and churches, of the two nations, without any exception whatever. To give them total amnesty and pardon, conformably to the first article of the general treaty; to leave unmolested all such persons as have not remained faithful to the Ottoman interest; to admit them to their former ranks, and to restore to them any property and possessions they had previous to the

war.

2d, "To oppose no sort of difficulty to the free exercise of the Christian religion in the said Principalities, nor to the repair and construction of churches and other buildings.

3d, "To restore to the monasteries in the neighbourhood of Ismail, Hotim, and Bender, all the property belonging to them, and which had, contrary to justice, been taken from them, 4th, "To acknowledge and bear due regard to the Ecclesiastical order.

5th, To permit those families and

individuals who have any desire of returning to Russia, or elsewhere, to depart freely with their moveable property, and to allow them a year's time previously to such departure, that they may settle their affairs in the country.

6th, "To recommence entirely the payment of old accounts, for whatever relates to former contributions.

7th, "To claim no tribute from the inhabitants of the said Provinces and Principalities, for the space of time that they have been occupied by the Russians; and in consideration of the losses and sufferings sustained by them on account of the war, to claim no sort of tribute from them for two years after the date of the treaty.

8th, "The Porte engages to show every regard and humanity to the inhabitants of the said countries, at and after the expiration of the term mentioned in the 7th Article, relative to the tribute and taxes which they shall then be called on to pay, and will neither suffer nor permit the Basha, or any other person, to oppress or molest them after the payment of the ordinary tribute.

"And also, to allow them the free and entire exercise of the privileges which they enjoyed during the reign of Sultan Mahomet the Fourth, father of the present Sultan.

"And the Porte shall permit the Hospodars of Wallachia and of Moldavia to have one or more public agents to reside at Constantinople, Greeks by nation or religion, to transact the affairs of the provinces, and not only consents to acknowledge and treat with them, but also promises to observe in them the privileges due to persons who have public rights and interests, and are not under the control of power.

"The Sublime Porte also acknowledges and admits, that the Russian Ministers residing at Constantinople, shall have the right of interfering in behalf of the affairs of the two Principalities above-mentioned, and engages to pay every regard to their representations."

By the treaty of Jassy, in 1792, the Porte bound itself to consult the Russian Ambassador in the choice of the Hospodars, and to appoint none but such as were approved of by the embassy.

The stipulation of the seven years' residence of the Hospodars, entered into by the same treaty, was soon ne

gligently observed; it was then openly violated, and the violation became the subject of much diplomatic interference on the part of the Russian Go

vernment.

At length the dispute seemed brought to a close by the appointment of Prince Ypsilanti to Wallachia, and Prince Alexander Mourousi to Moldavia, in 1802, with the declaration, that neither of them should be removed previously to the expiration of the seven years, unless the Russian Ambassador should admit that they were guilty of an offence worthy of deposition.

But Napoleon, in 1805, at war with England, and already determining to attack Russia, now began to draw Turkey into his views. The results of this intrigue were rapidly developed in the increased jealousy of the Porte, and in its higher tone with Russia and England. A defensive treaty with the former had been scarcely ratified, when the Porte declared its intention of suppressing all "letters of protection,” or permissions to individual Turks to put themselves under the protection of foreign courts, in their trade and residence within the Turkish territory. This measure, harsh and unexpected in itself, was rendered additionally offensive by the mode of its execution, by forcibly and publicly compelling the surrender of all the Russian letters of protection, in contempt of the public representations of the Russian embas

sy.

A still more decisive act brought this dispute to a crisis. The Hospodars, Ypsilanti and Mourousi, were suddenly recalled, without consideration of the Russian Ministry; and Charles Callimachi was made Hospodar of Moldavia. Wallachia was given to Alexander Sutzo, a notorious partisan of Napoleon, and an equally notorious hater of Russia.

This measure had been foreseen. A Russian army was immediately marched over the frontier, and the fortresses of Hotimen and Bender were taken into possession. The Porte retorted by a declaration, or fetvaa, of the Mufti, proclaiming that it was now legal for all good Mussulmen to repel this violent aggression by force.

England now took an active part in hostilities with this blind and half-savage cabinet. Mr Arbuthnot had been sent out in 1805, as Ambassador. On his arrival, the Porte, whether to gain

time, or in a sincere wish for the amity of England, had proposed to renew the treaty of 1799, the triple alliance of England, Russia, and Turkey, which was but for eight years, and which was, of course, now near its termination.

The British Ambassador had not been furnished with powers for the purpose; and on their arrival from England on his representation, the influence of Napoleon had become irresistible. Napoleon stood at the head of the Continent, and the Porte was tempted by the hope of seeing its great enemy extinguished. A direct refusal was given to the applications of the British Ambassador.

Mr Arbuthnot, in conjunction with the Russian embassy, demanded the reinstatement of the Hospodars. A divan was held, in which the Turkish ministry declared themselves for a decided resistance to this demand. But the Sultan's voice was against his council. He allowed that the demand was humiliating, but insisted that war should not be made on England. Sebastiani, the French envoy, had been indefatigable in exciting this discussion. He was now in despair. But the news that the Russians were in Moldavia arrived; the Divan was instantly in a ferment, the Sultan, either alarmed at the popular irritation, or indignant at the insult to his territory, declared for immediate war, and the Vizier was ordered to take the field.

The Fox Administration were then masters of the English Cabinet, and they probably longed for the honours of a war of their own. A fleet was sent against the reluctant Turks, and, to the astonishment of the Sultan, and the terror and confusion of all Constantinople, the English entered the Dardanelles. The Sultan was once more master of his council, and while the city expected every hour to see the British squadron anchor before the Seraglio, and bombard the Sovereign in his palace, he sent an agent to negotiate with Mr Arbuthnot, who was now on board the flag-ship.

It is not yet ascertained to what cause must be imputed the singular tardiness of a diplomacy which ought to have been expedited without the loss of a moment. But time was strangely lost. On the other hand, Sebastiani, the French Envoy, with the characteristic activity of his nation,

turned every moment to advantage. When the first alarm had passed away, and the British fleet were seen still fixed in the Streights, he made himself popular by directing the defence of the city. Cannon were hourly planted on the sea-line, under his inspection; troops were hastily brought in, and even the bold idea began to be entertained of cutting off the retreat of those tardy invaders, by garrisoning the Castles of Sestos and Abydos. The character of the Turkish Ministry of this period, gives curious picture of the habitual administration of the Mahometan kingdoms.

Haffiz Ismail Pacha, Grand Vizier, had risen by obscure chances from utter obscurity. He was singularly ignorant of public affairs, but he had the supreme characteristic of a Turkish public officer in perfection, a thirst for money. The hope of raising a large sum by the sale of the new appointments, was asserted to have been bis sole motive for urging the deposition of Ypsilanti and Mourousi long before the seven years were expired. The bargain plunged his country into a

war.

Ibraim-Aga, Kiaya-Bey, (equivalent to our secretary of state for the home department,) was a man of a more decided temperament. His passion was thirst of power; and for the purpose of its attainment, he had excited and carried on the refusal of the protections in a manner the most studiously haughty and insulting to Russia.

Turkish principles had chiefly influenced these two ministers. But the heads of the Faith and the army, Sheriff-Zaade-Attaa-Effendi. the Mufti, and Pehlivan-Mehemet Aga, the Commander-in-chief of the Janizaries, were understood to be altogether under foreign influence, and were the great support of Sebastiani.

The cabinet was, however, not unanimous. The secretary for foreign affairs, Galib Reis-Effendi, and YussufAga, Holiday-Kiayassi, or chancellor to the Sultan's mother, protested against this precipitate abandonment of the ancient league. But Turkish diplomacy does not admit of difference of opinion with the cold-blooded courtesy of Europe. Ministers threatened by the sword of the Janizary without, and by the Sultan's bow-string within, are not likely to resist long. The foreign minister and the chancellor

suddenly retired, and doubtless looked on themselves as fortunate in being allowed to retire without manifestation of that royal wrath which can do all things but forgive.

But, of the Divan, Pehlivan-Mehemet was the most active agent of the French. In a lower rank of the service, he had once commanded the guard of honour appointed to the French Embassy. Probably some observation of his character had induced the French to make themselves masters of him. But, from that period, he was the decided partizan of France, and he now performed an essential office. The presence of the British fleet, inactive as it was, had yet not lost its influence on the Sultan, and the negotiation, though tardy, was known to be continued; Sebastiani became anxious, and through General Franchini he sent the commander of the Janizaries to try the effect of a nearer alarm on his master. Pehlivan Aga obtained an audience, and instantly declared his inability to restrain the populace, and peculiarly the Janizaries, from acts of violence; he magnified the public fury at the insult offered to the capital, and warned the Sultan in significant terms, that "the Janizaries would not submit to the indignity of a treaty which they could look on in no other light than that of a capitulation."

Such are the privileges of the sword, and such is the feebleness of the sceptre in the hands of solitary despotism. This was a message which no Sultan has ever resisted, but at the loss of his head. Selim prudently yielded to the commands of those "viceroys over him"-the intercourse with the English ambassador was instantly broken off

the cannon were pointed to the Prepontis-the flag of defiance was hoisted on the Seraglio-and Sebastiani was the virtual lord of Constantinople. The English ambassador now awoke, but all negotiation was hopeless; the English fleet at last felt the importance of time and tide, for they now both failed them. A violent wind suddenly blew down the channel which they were to ascend. To reach Constantinople had thus become impossible; to stay where they were was hazardous, from the obvious preparations of the enemy to bombard them from the shore. They at length burst their way between the castles, fired on by the

collossal guns of the Turks, and hulled with stone bullets of six hundred weight, that, to the utter astonishment of the English, swept the Streights from shore to shore. Even the obvious and easy mode of starving the city into terms by a blockade of the Dardanelles, was not attempted, and this first exploit of the new Cabinet covered them with ridicule.

The Russian invasion was not more fortunate, though from more allow able causes. Russia was struggling with France for the security, or perhaps the supremacy of the Continent. All her resources were turned to the North. The office of making the actual impression on Constantinople had been allotted to the British; they had singularly failed. The office of the Russian frontier army was little more than to restrict the encroachments of the Turks. In this it succeeded. Hostilities were not severally pressed by the Vizier. The policy of Napoleon had rapidly become suspicious to the Divan. Their suspicions were realised at once by the treaty of Tilsit, by which Napoleon, instead of demanding the entire restitution of their rights over the Principalities, had merely negotiated an armistice, conditioning that the Russian army should leave the provinces clear until a final arrangement. This condition was not fulfilled; it was probably never meant to be fulfilled, and the Russians remained masters of the ground. During the attempt to reconcile those claims, one of those fierce changes which make the history of Eastern despotism, and pre-eminently of the Turkish, threw everything into convulsion. Popular discontents, a licentious soldiery, an ignorant, divided, and ferocious cabinet, set Constantinople in an uproar. The head of the Sultan was demanded, the ordinary peace-offering of this barbarian court; Selim was dethroned and strangled. A new ministry, as wild, as ignorant, and as bloody as the old, were instantly installed. New measures came with a new administration, and the alliance with England was the first and most popular pledge of the policy of the Divan. This public feeling had been foreseen by the British cabinet which had succeeded the ruined party of Fox; and Sir Arthur Paget had been sent, in 1807, to ascertain how far the Divan were disposed to return

to the old alliance; this mission was repelled for the moment, but another plenipotentiary followed, and in December 1808, peace was definitively signed with the Porte.

In all the transactions of Europe, Napoleon had been for some years the leading mind. No historian of that extraordinary man will do justice to his powers, without following him from the field into the cabinet; from the splendour and decisiveness of those successes of which his troops and generals had their share, to the still higher triumph of those unshared successes by which he wielded the cabinets of Europe, that solitary and almost superhuman sagacity by which he involved them in his scheme of conquest,that fatal, but magnificent mastery of spirit, that compelled alike the brave and the feeble, the barbarian and the civilized, the timid courts of Germany and the haughty and hostile powers of Russia and Turkey, to do the work of his guilty ambition, and stand harnessed to drag his chariot wheels up the rugged way of Universal Empire.

Turkish agents had been sent to Bucharest to negotiate the restoration of the Principalities. But it was the will of Napoleon that Russia and Turkey should continue hostile. The celebrated conference at Erfurth, which brought Alexander into the "Continental system," was instantly followed by a declaration of the Russian commander in the Principalities, that, as Alexander had pledged himself to the exclusion of England from the continent, no terms could be held with Turkey until the dismissal of the British ambassador. The Turkish government, perceiving that the question of possession was to be still decided against them, recalled their plenipotentiaries from the congress of Bucharest, and the war was renewed.

The unwearied subtlety of Napoleon's politics was perhaps never more strikingly developed than on this occasion.

At Erfurth a secret article had been agreed on between Russia and France, by which Napoleon was to have Spain, and Alexander the Turkish provinces in Europe. For the double purpose of giving time, and of depriving Spain of the assistance of England, a negotiation was thenceforth commenced with the British cabinet.

It is among the proudest glories of