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ensuing month of November, is appointed for the first Meeting in every Shire in England. That of the metropolis is advertized to be holden in Finsbury Market, Sun Street, and we doubt not but that it will be numerously attended. It is of little consequence in what manner the inhabitants of the metropolis attend, as Ministers would not dare attempt such outrages as they sanctioned in Manchester: those however who attend such meetings in the country, unarmed, and consequently unprepared for such lamentable consequences as found a precedent at Peter-leo, will be culpable in the eyes of God and of his country, for he owes a duty to each, which it is impiety to neglect. His duty to his God, points out to him the moral obligation of self-preservation, and consequently of Self-Defence. His duty to his country, of being prepared to die in defence of its liberties, as well when tampered with by internal ambitious factions, as when more openly assailed by the hostile armies of a foreign power. If he be a married man, and father of a family, this duty becomes still more binding, and he is compelled by every moral obligation, to attend all meetings for Reform well armed, least his wife and family be deprived of his support and protection, by the swords of a set of would be Heroes. We have long entertained an idea, that Reform cannot be obtained without bloodshed, and every day teems with fresh proofs of the correctness of our opinion. When we take into consideration the characters of the individuals who at present hold the reigns of government, we are compelled to acknowledge, that nothing like disinterested honesty is to be found amongst them. The Regent is too much engaged at Ragley Hall expounding to the mistress of the mansion, the meaning of several abstruse sentences in Ovid's Amours, to attend to the sufferings of the people; Lord Castlereagh heartless and insensible, laughs at the misery he does not feel, and accumulates wrong on wrong till human patience is exhausted, and when the spirit of retaliation commences, he will fly with his booty, to plunder, dupe, and dispose of other countries (if any can be found to trust him) as he has already done to these Islands. Lord Sidmouth, with methodistical cant and hypocritically long drawn visage, leagues with a set of desperadoes for the purpose of setting the established laws and constitution of the country at open defiance, and in cold blood massacreing some hundred of their fellow countrymen. To go through them all would be endless work, but from these we may be able to judge the remainder, for "like Master like man" is the order of the day at St. Stephens, an order which cannot be infringed upon without drawing down the vengeance of him upon the delinquents, who profits most largely by the legalized plunder of the People.

The People have no chance of a restoration of their liberties, unless by placing themselves in the most imposing attitude which circumstances will admit of; nothing can be extorted from the justice of the present Ministry, for they are strangers to justice-nothing from their humanity, for it is a failing of which they cannot boast. Feeling and Lord Castlereagh are as incompatible as Virtue and thẹ Devil or Lord Sidmouth. Much, however, may be extorted from their fears, and in proof of this we need only cite the Penal Code against the Catholics. That Code bore equally or perhaps more oppressively upon the Catholics of Ireland than on those of England. In Ireland, however, they formed a powerful numerical body, and their indiguation was to be dreaded; in England they formed a comparatively trifling portion of the population, and their utmost efforts could be productive of no serious alarm. If any serious fears could be entertained of admitting either the Irish or the English Catholics to power, those fears would most undoubtedly have better foundation against the former than the latter. Let us, however, look to the result. The Irish Catholics presented a most imposing attitude, and in consequeence thereof can now rise to the rank of Admiral in the Navy, or Commander-in-Chief in the Army, while the less numerous Catholics of England cannot accept the situation of a common Exciseman, without first forswearing his religion. Thus we see that nothing is to be expected unless by a manly Declaration throughout the Country, that the People will no longer be the dupes of a set of rapacious villains, and that if the sanctions their attempts to swallow up in the whirlpool of a military despotism, the imprescriptible rights and liberties of England, he forfeits the respect which is due to his high official situation, and must shortly expect not only to resign his authority, but also to appear at the bar of his country, to answer the charge of high treason against the People. We must once more express our marked dislike and disapprobation of the word subject, which is but another term for slave; and yet there is scarcely an Address from any of the Public Meetings of the Reformers, that has not at every other line, "His Majesty's Subjects." This is so extremely servile, that we most earnestly recommend the Reformers to drop it altogether. We really think, after weighing every thing attentively in our mind, that the sine qua non must eventually be a resort to on the part of the People, and the Juror would be a traitor to his Country who would say that People in such case were guilty of treason.

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If the Prince continues to heap wrongs and insults upon the people when they ask for redress, who are supporting his whole family by the sweat of their brow as paupers upon the nation, he must expect to see, ere he closes his eyes upon the world, a elevated upon the palace at Whitehall. Such language as this may have some effect, and such language only should be used. It is in vain to hope he will attend to humble petitions for the redress of wrongs, acknowledged as such and requiring a remedy. It is in vain to petition, humbly, a Priuce who thanked a set of murderers for putting you to the sword-it is in vain to to petition, humbly, a Prince who to the respectful and humble petition of the Lord Mayor, Aldermeu, and Livery of the City of London in Common Council assembled, returned an answer teeming with insult, with mockery, and scorn. Are the People of England to bear all this, and learn to smooth down their words to render them palatable to the royal ear.-No; no; the people owe a duty to the Prince, and the Prince to the people-if either are guilty of violating that duty it becomes an imperious tie upon the other to tell him of and chastise in him the breach, or he becomes equally with the offending party a traitor to his country, and a false guardian to the liberties of the present and of the rising generation. The Prince Regent has in many instances violated his part of the contract, but more particularly in the case of endeavonring to screen a set of murderers from justice-murderers of the deepest dye-of the blackest hue. It now becomes the duty of the people to vindicate their character as freemen, and to hand down an example of patriotism for the admiration and instruction of their descendants,-If the people of England set quietly down during the present eventful crisis and tamely suffer their rights and privileges to be wrested from their grasp as if they were only passive spectators and had no interest in their possession, he will ere long dearly repent such conduct. Then the heartbroken Englishman may join the Irishman in his lamentation, though without the consolatory reflection that he had done all that bravery I could do in the defence of his freedom:-he will then have reason to exclaim

But alas for his country her pride is gone by,
And that spirit is broken which never would bend,
O'er the ruin in secret her children must sigh,
For 'tis treason to love her and death to defend.

Unpriz'd are her sons till they've learn'd to betray,
Undistinguished they live if they shame not their sires,

And the torch that should guide them thro' dignity's way,
Must be caught from the pile where their country expires.

Printed and published by T, DAVISON, 10, Duke Street, Smithfield,

Cap of Liberty.

A London Weekly Political Publication.

No. 7, Vol. 1.]

Wednesday, October 20th, 1819.

[PRICE 2d.

If Humanity shows to the God of this World,
A sight for his fatherly eye,
'Tis that of a PEOPLE with banner unfurl'd,
Resolv'd for their FREEDOM TO DIE.
'Tis a spark of the Deity bursting to light
Through the darkness of human control,
That fires the bold war arm in Liberty's fight,
And springs from the Patriot burning and bright,
Through the eye of an heavenly soul.

LETTER III.

C. PHILLIPS,

TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE REGENT.

SIR,

IN the last letters which I had the honour of addressing to your Royal Highness, I endeavoured to point out the necessity of a Reform in every part of the Administration, ere the People would be driven to a Revolution, in which blood would flow profusely, without distinction of rank or official authority. If the current reports of the week be worthy of credit, you, Sir, have at length opened your eyes to all the danger of your situation, and have already begun a reformation, by insisting on Lord Sidmouth's resignation, and appointing Lord Colchester in his room, as Secretary of State for the Home Department. Now, Sir, I beg leave to ask you, if you can possibly allow yourself to be deceived into a belief that the People will be satisfied by such a reformation as this? Most assuredly not! The People are aware that Lord Sidmouth has conducted himself in a manner infamous to his character as a Statesman; but they are also aware that he is no worse than the other Members of the Administration-nay, that he is better than some of them, whom it is now unnecessary to particularize, The People, Sir, have not asked for a change of men, but a change of measures; and they would as willingly have Lord Castlereagh Premier of England as Sir Francis Burdett, if the latter pursued no better line of conduct than the former; indeed they would prefer the former in that case,

T. DAVISON, Printer and Publisher; 10 Duke Street, Smithfield.

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for they would, we are confident, be unwilling to change their good opinion of the worthy Baronet.

The time allowed you for regaining the good opinion and esteem of the People, will, we imagine, shortly expire, if some steps are not immediately taken on your part towards a reconciliation. Some noble opportunities have been offered to you for that purpose, but you have unfortunately neglected them, and still suffer your Ministers and their dependants to prey upon the very vitals of the People. Again, Sir, I am under the necessity of reminding you of the fate of that ill-advised and unfortunate Monarch, Louis XVI. who expiated his offences to his country upon the scaffold. You, Sir, appear to be pursuing the same methods of putting off the evil day by a change of men, but recollect that with him the experiment failed, and he forfeited his life. Are you, Sir, prepared for the result of similarly tampering with the distresses of the People? Do you imagine that that which Frenchmen shed their blood to oppose, will tamely be put up with by Englishmen? If you do, Sir, you are deceiving yourself, and plunging into a sca of trouble, from which you can with difficulty, if at all, be extricated. Meetings are to be held throughout the kingdom on the 1st of the ensuing month of November. Think you, Sir, they are to be called for the purpose of making you an Emperor, or for raising a statue of gold to Lord Castlereagh, or of brass to Mr. Canning, or of folly to Lord Sidmouth, or of humility to you all. Think you, Sir, that they are not called for the purpose of re-assuming the privileges of which they have been unjustly deprived; nor for the purpose of bringing all and every one of the traitors to punishment, who were in any way accessary to the infringement on their liberties. Are you, Sir, conscious that in every instance you have strictly adhered to your duty, and uniformly opposed yourself to the intrigues by which your Ministers have debased and plundered the population of these kingdoms. Can you lay your hand on your heart, and say to the People, "I have faithfully fulfilled the purposes for which I was raised to the Executive authority-I have not sanctioned the temporary suspension of your liberties, nor the attempts to overthrow them in toto-I have not thanked a set of murderers for cutting you to pieces, nor have I issued a Proclamation indirectly telling them to do so-Neither have I insulted the feelings of the nation through the medium of an Answer to the Livery of London, when they expressed their abhorrence of the transactions at Manchester-And finally, I do not intend to make the

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