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great importance to the whole world of the question they may be called upon to decide, not between Mr. Carlile and the Attorney General, but between the population of the entire civilized world and their spiritual and temporal rulers. If the Church of England be founded in truth, nothing can shake its stability, for truth is incontrovertible; if it be founded in error, it can only be rectified by an open discussion of such parts as appear dubious or palpably wrong. Why, we ask, are prosecutions instituted to prevent such discussion, when the Christian religion, if it be right, must benefit by the discussion? or if the Attorney General is conscious that it cannot stand the test of reason, why continue to impose upon the public, doctrines which his heart disavows? In our opinion Mr. Carlile is entitled to the thanks of the whole community, for risking his property and the freedom of his person in promoting the cause of a free public canvass of opinion, which religious as well as political despots have always done their utmost to prevent. Ignorance was always fuvourable to their tyranny, and if their domineering commands were adhered to, the world would be wrapt in ignorance the most profound. We are at a loss to imagine how Payne's works can be called immoral, when in fact morality is the only doctrine he allows, except that of believing in a supreme power. Morality, as it affects the general laws of society, is what he inculcates, and his arguments are forcible, for they are uniformly founded in reason. Every person who is likely to be called as a Juror should read the work in question, Payne's Age of Reason, and read it with an impartial and unbiassed mind, ere they can be competent to judge of its merits. We are aware that an outcry will be raised of "it will poison your minds, it will corrupt your principles of religion," and such like expressions, in which even the Clergy are apt to join; but let Jurymen recollect that this is one great proof of the uncommon strength of his arguments, and if his arguments are supported by one tittle of reason, discussion should be promoted until their validity is decided upon by general opinion.

We will now conclude our observations for the present with a remark we would wish every Englishman to keep in mind, and Juryman particularly never to lose sight of: error never yet was promoted by a free canvass of opinion, nor did such canvas ever injure truth; let a free expression of religious opinions be sanctioned by the verdict of a London Jury, and truth and morality will-nay, must benefit by the result. That the prosecutors of Mr. Carlile are not instigated by mere motives of religion is pretty evi

dent, for one prosecution was sufficient to decide upon the legality of publishing the works in question; but no, a petty spirit of revenge is displayed by that self-constituted

Society for the Suppression of Vice." Lord Sidmouth, we believe, is a member of this Society; and will he pretend to talk of vice, who in the name of his Royal Master thanked a horde of assassins for their inhuman and cowardly butchery of women, and children? Why does not this Society take cognizance of the gaming tables in St. James's Street? or of houses of infamous notoriety in various parts of the West end of the metropolis? Perhaps they would then be encroaching upon and curtailing their own innocent amusements.

EXECRABLE CONDUCT OF THE GRAND JURY OF LANCASHIRE.

Mr. Pearson's letter has been now for some time before the public, which renders its insertion in this place unnecessary. We will only make such observations upon it as the occasion loudly calls for. Our contemporaries have said much upon the subject, but evidently under fear of giving reins to the indignation which the attrocious murders at Manchester must have excited in every honest bosom, together with the equally infamous conduct of the Grand Jury of Lancashire. This is what it is to have a Lord for a foreman, and a sheriff appointed by government to pack despicable and servile tools of the admintstration to quash every hope of retribution to the injured, who might seek, at the bar of their country, for that justice which despots only would deny. We now declare there is a foul conspiracy against the people--the person of the prince is in the hands of the conspirators. The people peaceably sought to restore him to a throne unsullied and untarnished-a throne impossible to be overturned-a throne in the affections of his people. They met for that purpose, and were inhumanly massacred in cold blood by a remorseless set of cowards, murderers, assassins-the catalogue of expressions applicable to the vilest infamy, affords not a single epithet to express the demon-like ferocity of their deeds of slaughter. Their instigators to the scene of blood were (although one of them was a clergyman) one degree, if possible, more guilty, for it was their duty as preservers of the public peace, to restrain (and Mr. Ethelstone particularly as promulgator of the Christian Religion) the Yeomanry from acts of violence. Their infamy, however, was surpassed by that of the minister who thanked them in the name of his Prince for shedding English blood; and even his was exceeded by that of the

Grand Jury, whose names we shall in our Cap of Liberty annually record, together with that of the Magistrates of Manchester and their armed myrmidons the Yeomanry, that they may be held up to the execration of the present and succeeding generations. The people may perceive that now they are at the mercy of the military power under the orders of (as the Courier even acknowledges) a too powerful administration, or in other words, the country is on the point of becoming a military despotism, if some measures are not taken to repel them. Every man should be always armed, and as justice is withheld by those who are starving us to death by their intolerable exactions, we should take summary vengeance when an injury is offered. For our own parts we declare that if we had been wounded by one of the Yeomanry of Manchester, and could recognise the individual, we would not hesitate to shoot him even though months had passed away, and throw ourselves upon the justice of a British Jury, which can protect the innocent although it cannot bring the guilty to punishment. We take this opportunity of inserting the names of four of the Yeomanry who were active upon that unfortunate occasion, and will feel grateful to our correspondents in Manchester if they can furnish us with the names of other heroes who have rendered themselves conspicuous in the murder of women and children.

Edward Tebutt, Edward Meagher, Thomas Shelmerdine, and Carlton.

List of the Grand Jury who ignored the bills preferred against the foregoing individuals for cutting and maiming &c. J. T. Stanley, Foreman, Belgrave,

H. M. Mainwaring
Thomas Cholmondely
Thomas Barker

T. C. Clutton

Charles Cholmondely

D. Ashley

G. Wilbraham

W. H. Worthington
R. Taylor

Henry Cotton

D. Davenport

E. Davies Davenport
Wilbraham Egerton
Robert Hibbert

John Isherwood

Ralph Leycester, Jun.
Thomas Marshall

D. Stracey

Clement Swettenham

We cannot avoid observing that those Gentlemen declared that they were strongly impressed with the excellence of our constitution, protecting all ranks and degrees of society, and yet subsequently prove by their own conduct, that the great mass of the people, have no safety even for their lives, except by constantly wearing about their persons weapons of and for defence.

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QUESTION.

Is Rebellion against the existing government of a country, under any state of things, justifiable?—and are we arrived to such a political dilemma as to render it not only justifiable, but praiseworthy.

When first the seeds of civilization were sown in Europe, it became apparent that some form of government was necessary to protect the virtuous but weak members of the community, from the malice and rapaciousness of the strong. The people collected together and having debated upon various plans, they in one country chose a sort of premier who was generally the eldest man in the community, or else the man most remarkable for prudence and wisdom; and to him. was confided the distribution of justice, but only so long as his verdict was just and impartial, and considered as such by the majority of the people over whom he had been elected to preside. In another district they chose several of their elders, who also held their authority during life, if their decisions were grateful to their countrymen. Under either of these forms of government, ere ambition with her fiend sway trampled justice under feet, and raised law upon her sacred throne, the people were satisfied; for Reason despising the quibbles of Law, settled all their differences in the most amicable manner. As knowledge increased, simplicity and innocence gave place to knavery and cunning, Law kicked the balance from the hands of Justice, and Ambition threw Honor and Patriotism from their seats, and filled their room with brazen Assurance and galling Slavery; the people murmured, but their murmurs were silenced by the sword. Authority uncontrouled was pleasing to the usurpers, and they bethought themselves in what manner they might transmit the people as slaves to their posterity. At length it was resolved to transmit the chief authority to the eldest son and his heirs, and as the people dared not resist on peril of forfeiting their lives, this resolution became law, and it was declared to be High Treason to attempt a restoration of the original order of things, or in any way to make an effort for the purpose of restoring to the unfortunate people those rights as freemen of which they were treacherously defrauded. Thus it was that the infamous law of primogeniture was first established, which has entailed such misery throughout every nation in the world, and which has caused more blood-shed and crime than any other institution, that of religion alone excepted. Amongst the princes who, in conformity with this law, succeeded to the

sovereign authority, some one more ambitious of extensive dominion than his predecessors, took the liberty of invading his neighbour's territories; the consequences often proved to be disasterous, for his subjects entered the field of battle heartless in his cause, and were consequently defeated. The victors, who in time of peace had conducted themselves with propriety in the discharge of their public duties, now elated by conquest, launched into the very whirlpool of error in which their foes had perished. They proceeded from one conquest to another, rewarding their officers with the command of the different countries, or more properly dis tricts, (for they were small states as in Germany) which they subdued in their career of victory, and their soldiers by plunder; each officer however paying annually a small tribute to the kingdom which granted to him his otherwise unlimited power. This was the commencement of what is called Feudal Times, when the power of these petty monarchs was so great that Europe was for some centuries involved in the darkest ignorance "that could result from gloomy despotism.

From a long night of slavery and imbecility of mind, the people at length awoke, and their murmurs became so loud that their puny tyrants trembled on their indignified seats, Knowledge was spreading fast, and each individual began to perceive that he was of more importance in the scale of creation, than to be the drudge of a tyrannical prince who considered him as merely live stock upon his estate and treated him accordingly, Some new effort must be made to subdue the rebellious spirit of the people, as princes in their mighty wisdom termed it, and for this purpose religion was called to the aid of the throne. Salaries and benefices were given to its ministers, and in return they preached forth the doctrine of divine right and passive obedience, Thus again was the rising epoch of general information procrastinated by kings and priests, whose interest it ever has been, and still is, to keep the eyes of the People closed and their pockets open, that they may plunder them in the name of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of every even to the last shilling they have earned by the sweat of their brow. The people, however, were not always to be imposed upon by a set of hypocrites. In some countries they rebelled, (as those would say who never feel for the sufferings of the people,) and when successful in their appeal to arms, always benefitted by the immediate revolution which took place in their system of government.

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That they were right in resorting to arms for the recovery

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