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The Catholic's Address


You, whose duty should call you to tutor your flock
In virtue and truth, how it each one must shock .,,ic

To hear you, by lies, from the pulpit of truth; *16:0,

i Stamp hate upon us on the hearts of your youth
• A hatred, which firmly, when once settled there,

From their bosoms no argument ever will tear.
When you bid from the pulpit your audience remember
The Papist's foul trick on the 5th of November; 61,
At the same time, good Gentlemen, why do you not ļ
Inform them who 'twas that discovered the plot ...?....
That Royal Monteagle the trick did unfoldi n i ,

To Cecil, who knew it before he was told;
1. For from his brain of mischief the project first came,

On purpose to blacken the Catholic naine;
Pray, who was Monteagle? a Catholic Péer,
Who surely from Papists had nothing to fear,, .
Who might from the house have been absent that day,
And saved his own bacon by staying away.

? -- ; Again, you protest, we are bloody and cruel,..' for i} ' And of Protestant bodies we long to make fuel; ain'i n

And yet, when you meet us, you smile in our faces. .. ili -'In which you discover such barbarous traces....!!!..

Pray, Gentlemen, why this hypocritical grin, ... If you think us a mass of corruption and sin?

Nay, rather pass by, and apply to your noses
Some lavender water, and essence of roses;

That as you are by us, you may now take in
pr The Popish effluvia that comes from our skin.
- Now, Gentlemen, I could say more than all this;
Bụt, lest your refinement should take it amiss,
I one little virtue will just recommend,',.
And to my address I will then put an end.
This virtue is charity, which will subsist ..
As long as th' Almighty himself will exist;
When Faith will be swallowed up by intuition, , : 1
And hope will-expire in bappy fruition. 2 R9F1

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!,,., ant ! Prioted and Published by T. DAVISON, 10, Duke Street, Smithfield...

Cap of Liberty.

A London Weekly Political Publication.

No. 13, Vol. 1.] Wednesday, December 1st, 1819.

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If Humanity shows to the God of this World,

A sight for his fatherly eye,
''. 'Tis that of a PEOPLE with bạnner gufurla,

Resolv'd for their FREEDOM TO DIE.
• Tis a spark of the Deity bursting to light !

Through the darkness of human control,
That fires the bold war arm in Liberty's fight,
And spriógs from the Patriot burning and bright,

Through the eye of an heavenly soul. C. PHILLIPS,


FAREWELL! a long farewell, to Liberty in England! We always predicted that Lord Castlereagh would finally reduce

the kingdom" to a state of abject slavery; the People have : no longer a pillar of security whereon to rest their Liberties.

It may be as well to live in Barbary as in England. What .? will the Whigs say now?-or will they attempt to declare

that the Radical Reformers did wrong, in straining épery nerve, even forcibly to upset a system, ere it became too late for their efforts, which will now inevitably upset the Liberties of the Nation? Do they repent not having in time united themselves with the Radicals, to give a fatăl blow to. the despotic measures of the Ministry ? England ! England ! cursed be the hour which bound 'thine arms in' adamantine chains of slavery! and cursed be the Traitors who rivet them with unceasing toil and perseverancé. Lord Castlereagh has laid five Bills before the House of Cominons, which have been read a first time without a division! Where were the Whigs then? The first of thege Bills is to limit Public Meetings to the different Parishes, and prévent simultaneous ones. If strangers attend any Meeting it bea comes illegal, and the Magistrates are authorizes to disperse ity. The next Bill is totally subversive of the Britisi Constitution ; it absolutely goes to allow the forcible entry of a man's house (which heretofore has been deemed his castle) in order to search for arms. The third is to prevent training, or being träined. The fourth to shorten the period for

Printed and Published by T. DAVISON, 10, Duke Street, Smithțielă,

bringing misdemeanor's to trial; and the fifth is to abolish the Liberty of the Press. We say to abolish, because the restrictions and penalties actually amount to an abolition of that great Paladium of independence. Every Publisher must, it seems, find two or three securities that he will abide by the consequences of what he publishes. What man, we ask, will wish to be perpetual bail for another, however. respectable? This alone amounts to an abolition of the Liberty of the Press; but this is not all-if a Publisher is convicted twice of Libel or Sedition, he is, at the discretion of the Judge, liable to transportation for seven years. There are also penalties attached to Hawkers and Venders of unstamped Publications. In short, nothing is left undone to completely cripple the independent Press of this unfortunate Kingdom. We now, in the name of the People, solemnly protest against these proceedings, and declare it to be our firm conviction, that insurrection against such measures is a duty which the Public will owe to themselves, if those measures are sanctioned by the House of Commons. The only Palladium or shadow of Freedom which is now left us, is Trial by Jury; and while yet we may, we caution all Jurymen throughout the Kingdom, to beware how they convict any individual who is cbarged before them with having violated laws, which law violate the Constitution itself, and are therefore illegal, unjust, and, in the words of the venerable Major Cartwright, should be holden for nought. Jurymen are bound by every tie of Patriotism and of independence, to give their verdict according to the Constitution, and not according to the laws which are enacted by bad men for the purpose of overturning that Constitution, that they may largely profit by its demolition. Private conspiracies will now be every where set on foot, and private conspiracies will, in our opinion, be justifiable and patriotic. There is yet another topic which his Lordship introduced as it were in a cursory manner; viz. that Debating Societies should be considered illegal, unless licensed by a Magistrate. In short, the intention of Ministers is evidently to put a final period to every species of political disquisition. This they will doubtless effect, as relates to public disquisition, but the question is, whether the private political debaets, which will be the inevitable consequence, will not be infinitely more hazardous to their personal security, as well as to their despotic power. To hear his Lordship speak (we mean Lord Castlereagh), one would be apt to imagine that he was extremely tenacious of the Liberties of the Peopel, at the very moment he is giving them a final and a fatal iowe

Whyhor any ofhldiers or ar

There is one subject which clearly proves that the Whigs have lost the opportunity of protecting the lives, liberties, and properties of the People ; hitherto, any man who had the pecuniary means of so doing, had as clear and ostensible a right to raise à regiment of soldiers or armed citizens, as had Lord Castlereagh, or any other member of his Majesty's Government. Why did not the Whigs thus render themselves serviceable and efficient in the protection of the People? The plea that "it will lead to civil war" will not avail them: What, we ask, will it lead to now? Will any man pretend to say that we have any other alternative than slavery, or what is as bad ? There is none other, and of two evils, let Britons choose the least. Slavery is a bitter and a lasting thorn in the breast of those who have been born in a land of Freedom. Resorting to forcible means is a lament- able evil, but it is sometimes unavoidable, and circum

stances' will often make it a necessary, a just, although a mournful and a tragic method of regaining emancipation from despotic slayery. If an appeal to arms should be deemed by the People necessary, as their dernier resort, may the bitterest execrations fall upon the head of the indi

vidual who may be found in the ranks of the despotic tyrants · who oppress us. For our own parts, we are always ready

to sacrifice every thing at the shrine of Freedom. We are 'ready to pour forth our heart's blood in the cause of National Independence, and when the last faint sigh is quivering upon our expiring lips, that sigh shall be breathed to Heaven, as a prayer for the prosperity of Freedom !shall be an apostrophe to her insulted altar! . « Oh! 'tis sweeter to bleed for an age at thy shrine,


• THE licensing system in this country has more than once engaged our attention, although other motives more important, if possible, prevented us from giving our sentiments upon that subject to our readers. We cannot, however, let pass without a comment the application which was last week made in the Court of King's Bench, for a rule to shew cause why an action for damages should not be preferred against Sir Nathaniel Conant, for refusing to grant a license to a Publiczn, without any sufficient reasons for so doing, by which he has been thrown into a prison, and his family reduced to the deepest poverty and distress. We will give our reallers the proceedings in this case, from which they will be the better enabled to judge of the transaction. : COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 26.

Mr. Scarlett moved for and obtained a rule to shew cause why a criminal information should not be filed against Sir N. Conant, Thos. Collins, Esq. George Gaspie, Esq. and Samuel Mills, Esq. Magistrates of the county of Middlesex, . for a supposed breach of their duty, in refusing to grant a license to a publican of the name of Meeke, who held a public-house in St. John's-lane, Clerkenwell. Mr. Meeke purchased the lease of the house in question in 1814, and invested a capital of £1254. At first he dealt with Reid, Meux, and Company, and while he did so, he enjoyed his license. In 1816, however, not being satisfied with their beer, he quitted them, and dealt with Barclay and Perkins. The next year he lost his license, and had not been able to 'obtain it since. He had in consequence been entirely ruined. He attributed this refusal to grant his license as he had obtained the strongest recommendations from the inhabitants and officers of his parish, as to the regularity of his house to the undue influence exercised by a partner in the house of Reid and Co. over Sir Nathaniel Conant and the other persons named.

Whether Sir Nathaniel Conant has any share in the concern of Meux, Reid, and Company, we are not aware ; but that concern has evidently an influence over his magisterial decisious: and yet, had this concern been brought forward in any shape in the House of Commons, a number of Members would instantly rise up to declare that Sir Nathaniel was to their knowledge a man of unimpeachable integrity. However this may be, it is a convincing proof of the injudiciousness of reposing (we might say) an arbitrary power in the breast of any individual. We feel convinced that the present system of granting licenses is attended with the most pernicious consequence to the People, in every part of the country. If a brewer has interest sufficient with the Magistracy, he may sell the most infamous stuff as porter, to the exclusion of that which is really good and wholesome. This, however, is not the only evil consequence attending it, as in many instances we have seen in London. If a publican allows in his house a political diga quisition at all unfavourable to the wishes of the present Ministry, his license is sure to be withheld by the Magistrates, one and all of whom are the subservient and devoted tools of Administration. Of the character of Sir Nathaniel Conant we know but very little, but we confess that this transaction has impressed us with no very favourable idea

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