The Radicals are the most numerous and most oppressed party in the nation; the abuses in every part of the administration have reduced them to the lowest ebb of poverty, from which they can never raise their heads until those abuses are rectified. They are held in contempt by the Whigs and Tories, because, forsooth, they can either trace their genealogy so far back, nor can they rival them in the splendour of their equipages; yet they are the most useful class of the community--the class from which the others derive their every comfort, and by the plunder of whom they are enabled to purchase every luxury the various seasons can afford, while the poverty-stricken Radicals are unable to purchase bread for their starving families. Although contemned and despised by their wealthier countrymen, like those hapless Indians who have lost their cast, yet they are the only disinterested Reformers in the nation. The Indian who has been thus unfortunate, has to attribute blame only to himself, for being guilty of a misdemeanor which subjected him to that punishment, while the Radicals can attach to themselves no sort of censure their crime is poverty, and that poverty has been produced by the barefaced plunder and extortion practiced by those very orders who now jeer and taunt them for being poor. It is in vain they ask for relief from the evils which oppress them! their oppressors are deaf to their remonstrances, or answer them only with the edge of the sword.

The Burdettites are Radicals in many, indeed in most particulars; the principal feature in which they differ is wealth, the former in that point forming a medium between the Radicals and Whigs. Their principles are the same, but the Burdettites cannot brave the censure of the Whigs and Tories by uniting with what these gentry term "the Rabble," the Mob," &c, &c. They cannot get over that feeling of aristocracy which tells them that respect is due to high and noble birth,* rather than to powerful talent, or unimpeachable integrity. They are well disposed and honest men at heart, widely different from either Whigs or Tories, and we have little doubt but that they will soon improve in their ideas of the importance which should be attached to merit, even in rags, and also the folly of bowing before the shrine of political treachery and dishonesty, because such treachery was perpetrated by a villain who could trace his genealogy to-we had almost said-Noah,

* A very indefinite expression, unknown in a Republican Govern ment.

All these parties are at variance with each other, and the Tories are at variance with the other three, and they contrive to keep them divided in such a manner, that they are left to the enjoyment of their power and plunder almost undisturbed. If the others, nay, if any two of the others could be got cordially to unite, the Tories must fall; but so strange is their infatuation, that they prefer quarrelling amongst themselves, to effecting a conquest of the general enemy! Sooner or later the Whigs, who are the weakest

in the kingdom, or nation, (we prefer the latter appellation) must join the Burdettites, and both the Radicals, or an effectual remedy cannot be accomplished in the abuses and perversions of the spirit of the British Constitution, The Radical Reformers are the most numerous body in the nation, and as the Sovereignty is in the People, it of course follows that the Reformation which is approved of by the majority of the population, must be, according to the Rights of Man, the only legal one; for those Rights, those imprescriptible Rights, allow of no exclusive privileges to any class whatever of the community.

The arguments advanced against a Radical Reformation in the Government are truly absurd and ridiculous; "the abuses in the administration," say the Whigs, "are grown to such a pitch, that it would be madness to attempt to reform them all, and we must therefore be content with a removal of the most glaring and insufferable." Now the plain meaning of this rhodomontading nonsense is, that if all the abuses were reformed, amongst which are the disproportion existing between the enormity of salaries and the value of services, the Whigs could get (to use a familiar phrase) no pickings, and consequently it would not be worth their while to accept official situations upon the exit of the Tories. Such are the hypocrites who have for years been preaching forth Reform for the purpose of dabbling in politics, and of transferring the People's hard-earned money from the coffers of the Treasury to their own pockets. The People are now, however, aware of their duplicity, and will no longer depend upon them, but advocate their own cause, and perish, if necessary, for the recovery of those liberties which they have lost, and in the defence of those which still remain unmolested.

The Whigs are aware that they are no longer looked up to as heretofore; they are aware that they have lost the confidence of the People, and therefore it is that they vent their spleen against them in undisguised abuse, and affect to contemn those measures which in the hearts they know

to be proper, praiseworthy, and likely to prove efficient for the intended purpose. We have seen that the Whig Press have surpassed the Government drudges in vilifying the proceedings in Finsbury Market Place on the first of November, for they have not hesitated to send forth to the world the most glaring and infamous falsehoods. The Morning Chronicle, Statesman, aud Times, were pre-eminent in their contempt for Truth, and consequently for their Readers, whom they have so grossly deceived by invented fabrications. Poor and friendless as the Radicals are, they must look for friends amongst themselves, and depend only upon each other for their resources, however circumscribed those resources may be. Let them deceive themselves no longer by expectations of aid in their distresses from the Whigs, which aid will never be afforded. Let them look to each other for encouragement and support, and success will attend their efforts in the country, their families, and posterity at large.

OBSERVATIONS UPON Mr. PHILLIPS'S SPEECH AT THE EGYPTIAN HALL ON THURSDAY.

WHAT desperate straights Christianity must be reduced to, when this Gentleman must be called upon to prate his hour (we believe professionally) at every Meeting of every Bible Society in the kingdom. Mr. Phillips has a knack of putting together a great number of words, which are exquisitely grateful to the heart of an unreflecting fanatic; but try their meaning by the broad test of reason, and the philosopher will discard them as assertions of facts which are founded upon improbable and disgusting falsehoods. As to what Mr. Phillips says of his own belief, we know not how to believe him: he is either a hypocrite or a fanatic, and we think him the former. We will not, however, stop to canvass the point, but proceed to offer some observations upon this senseless, although eloquent speech. He is terribly afraid least the Christian Religion should be left to its own merits for its defence, which he is conscious would be wholly insufficient to shield it from the powerful attacks of the villified Thomas Paine, a name we never mention with less reverence than that of him who has been palmed upon the world as the Son of God-a name which will live for an eternity, after those of Jesus Christ and Mr. Phillips are forgotten, or thought of only to be contemned, at least so far as concerns the relationship of the former to the Great Creator of the Universe. Mr. Phillips says, "I will go as

far as any inan for rational liberty; but I will not depose my God to deify the infidel, or tear in pieces the charter of the state, and grope for a Constitution among the murky pigeon-holes of every creedless, lawless, intoxicated regicide." Yet Mr. Phillips does depose his God to deify the infidel. Gracious Heavens! is there no lightning in your mighty womb, to blast those rebels to destruction who place. a mortal upon your throne, burn incense to him upon your altars, and worship him as your equal in strength, in power, in justice, and in every attribute divinity can boast of?.. To the blind believers in such an impious doctrine, we might hope that your mercy would be granted, for they are only guilty of neglecting to use that REASON which you have bestowed upon them for the purpose of rightly judging of your power and of your goodness, from the blessings which you so bountifully grant, even to those rebels who would depose you. But to those who thus propagate absurdities they disbelieve in-who traduce the majesty of God, by impressing upon weak and prejudiced understandings, a belief in tales calumniating his justice, and imputing to his command the crimes of indiscriminate rape and murder; to such an one what lenity, what mercy can be extended? That God alone can answer, who has been thus impugned; and to the mercy of that God do we consign Mr. Phillips and the host of hypocrites, who have poisoned the best feelings of true religion by their impious falsehoods. As to what Mr. Phillips says about the charter of the state, murky pigeon-holes, and intoxicated regicides, he partakes of the nature of the late Mr. Burke, who could always feel for the sufferings of a King or a Queen, but never those of a starving People. He could see the charter of the state mangled by the King, and cry "traitor" to him who was willing to risk every thing which might be dear to man, to bring that King to well-merited punishment; he is, in short, one of those who imagine that the will of a King should be the only law, and the only duty of the People to obey. In what land Mr. Phillips might have imbibed those sentiments we know not; for surely it could not be in that island which gave him birth-that island which produced a Wolf Tone, an Emmett, a Fitzgerald, a Russell, and an O'Connor. But to our subject.

Mr. Phillips alludes to the Trial of Mr. Carlile (whom he designates the Chief Bacchanal of their orgies) at which he was a spectator, and after abusing this persecuted individual in the grossest language, he continues," When I saw him raise the Holy Bible in one hand, and The Age of

Reason in the other, as it were confronting the Almighty with a rebel fiend, till the pious Judge grew pale, and the patient Jury interposed, and the self-convicted wretch himself, after having raved away all his original impiety, was reduced himself into a mere machine, for the re-production of the ribaldic blasphemy of others, I could not help exclaiming, Unfortunate man! if all your impracticable madness could be realized, what would you give us in exchange for our Establishment? what would you substitute for that august tribunal? for whom would you displace that independent Judge and impartial Jury? or would you really burn the Gospel and erase the statutes, for the dreadful equivalent of the crucifix and the guillotine!" "

Mr. Phillips's simile which we have just quoted, would, with a trifling alteration, be amazingly happy. If he had placed the words "Age of Reason" before, instead of after "Holy Bible," the sentence would read much more appropriately; for the Holy Bible (as Mr. Phillips is pleased to call it) is really the Rebel Fiend; and if reason be the chief attribute of the Divinity, the Age of Reason approaches nearer to his word than any Bible or Testament in the universe. As to what Mr. Phillips says about independent judge and impartial jury, his every word is a direct libel upon truth; but as truth is a libel according to the opinion of Lord Ellenborough, perhaps Mr. Phillips (being a lawyer) was afraid of uttering any thing but falsehood. He next artfully conjures up the crucifix and the guillotine, to keep the public a little longer in all the darkness of rank superstition; but we would ask Mr. Phillips, if Deism, nay, if Atheism could be attended with worse moral consequences, with more demoniacal tortures, with more hellish inventions of mechanism, such as shame the crucifix or the gnillotine, than is Christianity in Spain. While such a state of things exists in a country where Christianity alone bears sway, tell us not of the mercy of its doctrines, of the morality or the justice of its tenets. Mr. Phillips next continues,― "Indeed, if I was asked for a practical panegyric on our Constitution, I would adduce the very trial of the criminal; and if the legal annals of any country upon earth furnish an instance not merely of such justice, but of such patience such forbearance, such almost culpable indulgence, I will concede to him the triumph." Can Mr. Phillips really imagine that he can, by such sophistry, persuade any intelligent being that the proceedings against Mr. Carlile could be fairly denominated a Trial? Blush, blush, Mr. Phillips, for having denominated an Inquisitional Tribunal a Court of Justice!