guard themselves against being incon- | siderately influenced by the eloquent and impassioned language made use of by members from the sister kingdom, in advocating a cause on which, they were pleased to assert, depended the happiness and tranquillity of Ireland; but which, if they were as well acquainted with that country as he was, in his conscience he believed they would be satisfied had nothing at all to do with it. Ordered to lie on the table. CORN-LAWS.] Sir T. Lethbridge presented a petition from the inhabitants of Abdick, Bulstone, and Ilminster, in Somerset, praying that the House would not permit any alteration in the Cornlaws, without the fullest investigation. He had in his possession many petitions on this subject, but from what had been said last night by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who had intimated the intention of government to bring the subject before the House shortly after the adjournment, he should, for the present, withhold them. For the same reason, and as the right hon. gentleman had said, that he would not be drawn into any discussion at present, he would forbear from making any of the observations which forced themselves upon his mind at this moment. He did not ask his Majesty's government to state what was their intention on any part of it; but feeling the importance of the subject, he could not help insisting upon the necessity of obtaining all the information that could be come at respecting the operation of the Corn-laws as they at present existed. If any inconvenience had been experienced, which he very much doubted, because the laws which existed had not been put into execution, it could only be satisfactorily ascertained by means of the inquiry to which he now alluded. He wished the whole system of the laws on this subject to be put on a different footing; but what he was most desirous to impress on his Majesty's government was, the necessity of procuring full and complete information, before any new enactment should be resolved upon. It was not for him to suggest to ministers the course that they ought to pursue; but, as far as his own opinion went, he was decidedly in favour of the appointment of a committee, without which he thought the question could not be fairly and usefully re-agitated and rediscussed. When this question had last VOL. XVI, been the subject of discussion before the House, a committee was appointed, and an examination instituted, which, although it was not carried as far as he could have wished, obtained a great deal of useful information on the subject. Great alterations had taken place since that period, not only in the amount of taxation, but in the circumstances relating to foreign corn; and the only new information of which the country was in possession, was that which had been obtained from the report made last on this subject by Mr. Jacob. That report was certainly a most important document; but, it did not contain information enough to enable the government to adopt any regulations which should have the effect of changing the present laws. He had no wish the discussion should now be pressed; and when the time at which it was to be entered upon should have arrived, he hoped it would be conducted with temper and moderation. In the mean time, he hoped that none of the charges which had been so unfairly brought against landowners or occupiers would be repeated, or that the unjust tone which had been assumed towards them should be indulged in; and he was induced to make this observation because he was sure that, in the minds of all thinking men, there could be only one wish; namely, that the question might be disposed of so as to suit the interests of the whole of the inhabitants of the united kingdom. Lord Althorp said, he had heard the announcement made last night by his Majesty's ministers, that they would not at present enter upon this subject, with considerable regret. If they were aware of the agitation which the notion of any alteration in the Corn-laws had occasioned, not only in the agricultural, but in the manufacturing, interests of the country, he was sure they would not have formed any such resolution. He thought it was too much for ministers to call parliament together in November, and tell them then that they had a plan to propose, but which they did not intend to bring forward until February. He was aware that it might be inconvenient to them to disclose that plan at present; but, however inconvenient it might be, their duty left them no alternative but to do so. It was inconvenient to him, and he had no doubt it was equally so to many other members, to be in town at this season; but being here, he should think he failed in his duty if he neglected to press upon E government the necessity of a speedy expression of their opinion on the subject of the Corn-laws. He thought it would be better that they should bring forward at once whatever measures they intended to propose, because he was not one of those who felt alarm as to the nature of the proposition; nor did he believe, whatever it might be, that it involved the ruin of the landed proprietors in the kingdom. For this reason he was extremely anxious that the subject should be immediately entered upon. Ordered to lie on the table. to be a very great grievance. Cases of individual corruption were so general, that proofs were difficult to be brought forward to establish particular facts. From the arrangements of the House, and the present law relating to bribery and corruption, the facilities to prosecute inquiry were not sufficiently open, owing to the expense attendant on such inquiries, and other considerations which combined to produce that effect. The chief object, therefore, of these resolutions was, to point out a proper tribunal, where petitions complaining of acts of bribery and corruption in the return of members to serve in parliament, should be fully examined. There were no new powers proposed by these resolutions; it was only sought to point out a mode by which old powers should be acted on. It was perfectly competent to him, as a member of that House, to present a petition against a particular case of bribery and corruption; but he wished the House to adopt some mode by which that petition should undergo an impartial examination. He believed that the adoption of the resolutions of last session had produced a beneficial effect during the late elections; and he felt perfectly convinced, that if those resolutions were adopted by the present parliament, many peculiar cases of corruption that most required reform would be brought to light, and considerable good would thereby be effected. Doubtless, great advantage would be felt, if those boroughs in which open and shameless violations of the law were practised, were disfranchised, and the elective franchise! extended to more important places. The law said, that no petition against the return of a member of parliament should be received by the House after fourteen days from the time of the assembling of parliament; but these reso BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.] Lord Althorp rose, in pursuance of the notice he had given, to move for the renewal of the resolutions passed on the 26th of May last, relating to bribery and corruption in returning members to serve in parliament. But it might be necessary for him, before he did so, to explain to the House, for the information of those members who were not in parliament when these resolutions were adopted, the nature of the measure which he meant to submit to their notice. If his noble friend (lord John Russell) who first introduced them, were a member of this parliament, he should have left the task of bringing them forward to him, but his noble friend not having at present a seat, he felt it to be his duty to propose them. In all the discussions which had taken place on this subject, it had been constantly stated by its opponents that their opposition was founded upon hostility to any sweeping measure which went to change the constituted body, but that whenever an instance of gross bribery or corruption was made out against any particular borough, the place ought to be disfranchised, and that they were ready to act upon that principle as often as such a case should be brought forward. Yet, not-lutions referred only to petitions presented withstanding such a declaration, it was quite notorious that many boroughs, wherein gross and open corruption was practised, were not as yet disfranchised. Hence the necessity for the introduction of those resolutions which were proposed, by his noble friend, at the close of the last session of parliament, and which he had now the honour to call upon the House to sanction by its vote. Very few cases of corruption, comparatively speaking, had been brought before the House, although every one seemed to agree in the necessity of putting a stop to a system which was admitted, on all hands, after that term. The great objection made to these resolutions was the expense which would be incurred by the public in prosecuting cases of bribery and corruption; but all public committees incurred expense; and surely, if ever there arose a necessity for a committee of that House to examine into the merits of a question, with a view to the correction of abuses for the public good, the House should not pause from the fear of expense, when the object to be attained was, to check and put down a system of shameless bribery and corruption in the election of its own members. These resolutions provided, that the House would not take into consideration any petition, complaining of bribery and corruption, until the merits of such petition, and the specific grounds on which it was preferred, were first ascertained by a select committee appointed for that purpose. It was argued against that provision, that private feelings would influence such committee, and that the party petitioned against would find sufficient favour amongst its members to counteract the design of the petitioners. But if a case of gross corruption were made out on clear and satisfactory evidence, he had too good, and he hoped too just, an opinion of that House, to suppose that any portion of its members would, under such circumstances, refuse inquiry. And if that inquiry were once set on foot by the House, the resolutions provided the means by which that inquiry could be prosecuted with effect. He was not aware of any other objections against the resolutions which he should now have the honour to propose; and he was free to own, that he could not conceive on what possible grounds the House could object to his motion. Certainly, if the measure should be rejected by those whom he had now the honour to address, after having been agreed to last session, he should say it would be a most extraordinary thing; and he could not bring himself to believe that such could be the fact. The noble lord sat down with moving the first of the following resolutions : "1. That whenever a petition shall be presented to this House, after the expiration of the time allowed for presenting petitions against the validity of the return of any member of this House, by any person or persons, affirming that at any time within eighteen calendar months previous to presenting the said petition, general bribery or corruption has been practised, for the purpose of procuring the election or return of any member or members to serve in parliament for any borough, cinque port, or place, and it shall appear to this House that such petition contains allegations sufficiently specific to require further investigation, this House will appoint a day and hour for taking the said petition into consideration, so that the space of twenty days shall intervene between the day on which the said petition shall have been presented, and the day appointed by this House for taking the same into consideration; and notice of such day and hour shall be inserted, by order of the Speaker, in one of the two next London Gazettes, and shall also be sent by him to the returning officer of the borough, cinque port, or place, to which such petition shall relate; and a true copy of such notice shall by such returning officer be affixed to the door of the townhall or parish church nearest to the place where the election of members to serve in parliament for such borough, cinque port, or place, has been usually held. 2. That at the hour appointed by this House for taking such petition into consideration, this House will proceed to appoint a select committee to inquire into the truth of the matters contained in the said petition, and report the result of their inquiry to this House; and such select committee shall consist of thirteen members, to be chosen by lot, according to the directions, provisions, rules, and regulations, and subject to the exemptions for choosing forty-nine members by lot, contained in the various acts to regulate the trials of controverted elections, or returns of members to serve in parliament, so far as they are applicable thereto, and of two other members to be appointed by this House, out of the members then present in this House; and the thirteen members so chosen by lot, together with the two members to be so appointed by this House, shall be a select committee, and shall inquire into and try the matter of such petition, and shall report their opinion thereof, together with the evidence given before them, to this House. "3. That this House will not appoint such select committee so long as any trial is pending before a select committee of this House to try the validity of the return, or so long as a day is named in the orders of this House for appointing a select committee to try the validity of the return, for the borough, cinque port, or place to which the petition refers." On the first resolution being put from the Chair, Mr. Wynn said, that he certainly did not mean to differ on general principles from the noble lord who had just sat down, although he should feel it his duty to object to the mode in which he proposed to carry his resolutions into effect. He agreed with the noble lord in conceiving it to be the bounden duty of the House to inquire into every/case where gross bribery and corruption were said to have been practised; but he had too much reliance on the honour and integrity of the House, not to feel confident that there existed no disinclination among its members to inquire into and investigate, with effect, any case of open violation of the law that might be brought before it. Agreeing as he did on principle with the noble lord, he only differed from him with regard to the proposed resolutions. According to the existing law, it was competent not only to any voter at an election, but to any one of his Majesty's subjects, to petition the House of Commons against any particular case of bribery and corruption that came within his observation. That right had been exerted with advantage; and instances had occurred of persons going down to elections without having had a vote to bestow, who were, nevertheless, proved to be competent to petition against the return of the successful candidate, on the grounds of bribery and corruption having taken place at the election. But the law of the land was also open to complaining parties; and he could not avoid observing, that that was the best and most legitimate mode to pursue in such cases, and was even to be preferred to any legislative enactment that the House might think proper to adopt. By the first resolution, it was proposed, that at any time, within eighteen calendar months, any person was at liberty, without incurring the slightest expense, and without risking the least responsibility, to advance charges of bribery and corruption, that perhaps were totally unfounded and unjust, while the members against whom they were directed must defend themselves at their own expense. Now, he would ask, was that just or reasonable? Was it fair that the accusing party should be relieved from all expense attending proceedings, and from all the consequences of the responsibility which he himself incurred, while the accused was thrown on his defence, which he must conduct at his own expense ? These were amongst the principal objections to the resolutions of the noble lord that occurred to him at that moment. The power which these resolutions would give to parliament was one which might, on all proper occasions, be beneficially exerted. If these resolutions were passed, there would be no want of petitioners to aver, that gross and corrupt perjury had existed in certain boroughs during the last election. And there was no doubt but there would be enough of persons found to prefer complaints, without any just ground to warrant their application, solely with a view to raise a contribution on the fears of those against whom their complaints were directed; and it would be but reasonable to suppose that, rather than incur the expense of a defence, and the odium which would result from a public imputation of bribery and corruption, however that imputation might have been unworthily urged, the party accused would rather choose to accede to the proposition of the petitioner, by buying him over at his own price, than incur the expense of prosecuting his defence in public, and risking the odium of the contest. He had no hesitation in saying, that many would rather accede to almost any proposition, however base and mercenary, than adopt the other alternative. The noble lord contended, not only that a borough in which bribery and corruption had been at work should be disfranchised, but that the member condemned of wilfully suffering such bribery and corruption to be exerted in his behalf, should both lose his seat and be expelled the House. Cases of great aggravation might arise to render these measures necessary; but the House should pause before it afforded an opportunity to designing men to play upon the fears of others. How many petitions, he would ask, might not eighteen months bring forward? If the first failed, would not several shoot up while the temptation of aggrandizement existed? The Grenville act proceeded to legislate on a distrust of the House. It had all the effect of a decision of parliament; and it was therefore unnecessary while that act existed, to call for other powers. Supposing a case, in which members should disagree with respect to the amount of corruption practised in a particular case. One of the committee might say that corruption had been proved in one instance out of a hundred charges that had been made, and therefore that the guilt of the accused was evident; while another might say, if ten charges were proved out of a hundred, that those ten charges were insufficient to establish a guilty intention, while so many more required to be substantiated. It was, therefore, the more desirable, in his opinion, that the feeling of the committee appointed to investigate charges of this description should be reported to the House, as was usual on other occasions, Entertaining, therefore, as strong a desire | be neither good for the representation of as the noble lord himself could have, the House nor for the electors themselves; to adopt some tangible remedy for the as he believed, in most cases, that charity evil, which all admitted and deplored, he would find its way to the ale-house. The must be allowed to say, that it would be resolutions were adopted solemnly at safer and wiser to deal with particular the close of the last parliament. Of that cases, as they should arise, than to adopt parliament he wished to say very little, the whole of the proposed resolutions. either of its sins of omission or commisFor his own part, he felt no inclination to sion; but it appeared that it had, like distrust the present committees of the other sinners, a death-bed repentance, and House of Commons; and he was convinced had left the House a legacy, in those resothat when occasion offered, it would do its lutions, calculated to sweeten its memory duty. If the resolutions passed, he would and to do the country some good. The right certainly object to that part of them which hon. gentleman said, it was easy for the took from the petitioner any responsibility House, when a special case arose, to take which his own acts might draw upon him; it into its consideration. No doubt the and he should also object to the expenses House was competent to do so; but the incurred in the prosecution of petitions question was, would it do so? Was not being paid by the public, For himself the right hon. gentleman aware of the and his right hon. colleagues he begged jealousy with which the House of Comto say, that his Majesty's ministers had no other feeling in the present discussion, than that the House should act according to its wisdom and discretion. Mr. Batley, member for Beverley, said, that he quite agreed with what had fallen from the right hon. gentleman, and conceived that the statute law afforded a sufficient provision against bribery and corruption in the election of members of parliament, without having recourse to the resolutions proposed by the noble lord. Colonel Davies said, he was quite certain that the right hon. gentleman would not so soon have put forth his strength against the resolutions which the House had adopted at the close of the last session, if he were not certain of being supported by the strong phalanx which was about him. In his opinion, it would have been much better for the right hon. gentleman to have displayed his ingenuity in correcting the faults of those resolutions than to have exercised it in attempting to get rid of them altogether. If ever there was a time which called for interference of the House to correct the abuses with which the business of elections was conducted, it was the present; for after the experience which every person had had of the late elections, it was evident how little terror the resolutions of the House inspired. There never were so many cases of gross and flagrant corruption, against the recurrence of which it was the duty of the House to take all practicable precautions. The charity of the last speaker towards the persons to be affected by these resolutions was most suspicious. It would mons regarded the interference of a peer? and did he not recollect, with all its jealousy, how the subject was got rid of, on a late occasion, under the pretence that the petition was presented out of date? That was a reason why the House should pledge itself to a reasonably extended time; for he knew, whenever a strong case could be made out, it could be got rid of, by statements that it was irregular, and out of time. Suppose a petition was presented in a case of gross corruption. Why, the person who brought it forward was most likely influenced by selfish motives; his object being to eject a person from a seat which he himself desired to fill. Would such a person spend sums of money from the mere love of the independence of a county? No; every shilling spent was for the purpose of procuring his own object. He would be content to make out his charge of bribery; but that was not what the country wanted. It was the duty of the House to sift the whole truth, and to cut away the sources of the mischief. To do so with effect was what the present resolutions proposed. If the right hon. gentleman thought the resolutions unequal to effect so great a purpose, it would be easy for him to add that which would make them perfect. It was quite impossible to look for purity of election until the system was altered. No individual, however high his virtues or talents, could engage in an election without an infraction of the law, as it at present stood. In many places, the electors hunted after candidates who had money to spend, and were disposed to spend it |
