That the proposed grant be reduced by the sum of 1737., being the salary of the governor of Dartmouth, who was nonresident, and not a military man. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that allusion having been made to governors who were not military men, he wished it to be understood, that the government of the Isle of Wight had never been considered a military appointment, that officer discharging the ordinary duties of a lord-lieutenant. The father of the earl of Malmesbury had been for a long time employed in diplomatic situations—a sort of office in which it was well known the individuals seldom made fortunes. He had received the reward of a pension and a peerage from his royal master, with the reversion of a part of that pension to his son. That portion of the pension the present lord Malmesbury had resigned for the government of the Isle of Wight, an office which would cease at his lordship's death, as it had in fact been abolished by the act of 1817. Mr. W. Smith supported the amendment, thinking that by putting an end to one of these sinecures, he should accelerate the extinction of abuses so often and so justly complained of. The House divided: for Mr. Rickford's amendment 15; for the original resolution 45. The other resolutions were then put, and agreed to. Lord King presented a petition, praying for the repeal of the Corn Laws, from certain persons in Gloucestershire, calling themselves members of the Anti-BreadTax Association, No. 2. His noble friend near him had just stated, that this was not a contest of interests. He admitted that it ought not to be such a contest; but he was afraid it was a contest between principles that would lead to prosperity and a course of policy that had been too long pursued, and would be, he was afraid, still longer persevered in. The plan that was forthcoming had been too long in concocting to be very beneficial. He expected to see no self-denying ordinance issue from that House. The plan would be something that would not very much displease the landed interest. It would not be what the people prayed for. He would contend, however, that until that which was just and right was done, this question would not be suffered to rest. Lord Teynham thought it was beneath their lordships' dignity to receive a petition from a society calling itself the AntiBread-Tax Association. He hoped the noble lord would withdraw it. Lord King presented the petition as the petition of the persons who signed it, though it was indorsed Anti-Bread-Tax Petition. The Earl of Lauderdale said, that when he saw that the indorsements of the petitions were all "Anti-bread Tax Petitions," and understood that there were several, all drawn up in the same words; and when he recollected the speeches of his noble friend, he was at no loss to conjecture who was the author of these petitions. Lord King replied, that whoever might be the author, he was not. The petitions must, however, give his noble friend considerable pleasure, as they must convince him, that other persons could make as great mistakes in matters of political economy as he had made himself. The Lord Chancellor did not know whether the noble lord had drawn up the petitions, or had only indorsed them for their lordships' acceptance; but there was nothing in the indorsement which should prevent their lordships from receiving the petition as the petition of the persons who signed it. Ordered to lie on the table. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.] The Earl of Mountcashel presented a petition from a barony in Tipperary, signed by thirteen magistrates, and most of the respectable inhabitants, against granting any further concessions to the Catholics. The noble earl, in presenting the petition, complained of the influence exerted by the Catholic priests over their flocks. The people, he said, were indifferent to the subject of Catholic emancipation. There would be many more petitions, such as that which he now presented, if the people did not live under apprehension for their safety. He had known instances where individuals were prevented from speaking out by their fears. Viscount Clifden wished to say a word about the Catholic priests. He had heard from an assistant barrister, who was in the county of Waterford at the time of the election, that there was no ground of complaint against the Catholic priests. They had exerted their interest in favour of their own party. And why not? Did not the Protestant clergy interfere at Reading and in Surrey; and was it to be tolerated in them, and treated as a crime in the Catholics? As to the Protestants being ready to petition against the catholics if they dared, it was his firm conviction, that the vast majority of the Protestant landed proprietors of Ireland were in favour of Catholic emancipation, from a conviction that their security depended on its being carried. The Catholics had suffered from many abuses; and it was not surprising that they should be exasperated. He begged their lordships to reflect seriously on the state of Ireland, and ask themselves how all these things could end? For himself, he would express his conviction, that until the question was settled in favour of the Catholics, there would be neither peace nor tranquillity in that country. Ordered to lie on the table. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Wednesday, February 21. prosperity of the landed interest; but, it was impossible that any man could shut his eyes against the fact, of which any man might be convinced by reason and argument, that the Corn-laws were founded in error, and imperiously called for revision. It was said, that the question must be settled in one way or other; but he was of opinion that it was one of those questions which admitted of being settled only in one way. So long as a great portion of the population had reason to complain of the conduct of government-so long as the government stepped between the people and their food-he was satisfied that this question could not be settled. The petitioners prayed for a free trade in corn, subject to a reasonable protection, by a duty on importation proportioned to the exclusive taxation borne by the agriculturist. He called upon ministers to carry that principle into full effect; and not to continue to the landed interest a greater protection than they extended to the mercantile and manufacturing interests. He was sure that such a measure would satisfy the mercantile and manufacturing interests, even if the impost on the introduction of corn were somewhat greater than it ought to be. Unless the trade in corn was made as free as the trade in manufactures, the mercantile and manufacturing interests would labour under the most unjust disadvantages; since they would have to compete not only in the foreign, but in the home markets, with the manufacturers of other countries, where provisions were cheaper, wages lower, and taxation less than in this country. There could not be a stronger proof of the monstrous state of the existing laws, than the necessity under which ministers felt themselves of violating those laws by a temporary abrogation of them, when the approach to famine was apprehended. That system of laws could be little calculated to protect any class of his majesty's subjects, which ministers were obliged to abrogate, whenever it came into operation in favour of the individuals supposed to be protected. CORN LAWS.] Lord Milton presented sundry petitions from Yorkshire, praying Sir E. Knatchbull expressed his satisfor an alteration in the Corn-laws. To the faction at the temperate tone in which the petition from Leeds-one of the wealthiest noble lord had introduced the present and most intelligent manufacturing towns subject, and he trusted that, when the in the country-he wished particularly to discussion of the Corn-laws took place, it call the attention of the House. Un-would be characterized by similar modedoubtedly, the prosperity of the country ration. There was one expression of the depended, in a great degree, upon the noble lord, however, to which he could discussion to terminate without complaining of the high tone taken by the noble lord in presenting the petitions, and of the insinuations which he had thrown out respecting those who were supposed to have taken upon themselves the care of watch not help alluding. The noble lord had intimated that ministers had stepped in between the people and their necessary food. Now, much as he was disposed to support the claims of the landed interest, he could assure the noble lord, that if he believed it to be the intention of the go-ing over the interests of the landowners. vernment to step in between the people and their food, he, for one, would no longer give them his support. The noble lord had made use of several very extraordinary observations, many which he did not at that moment feel himMr. Duncombe said, he had been asked self able to advert to; but there was one to support the cause of the petitioners; in particular which struck him very forcibut he never could consent to advocate bly. The noble lord had said, that the measures, which, in his opinion, involved government had by their measures interthe ruin of the landed interest. If his fered between the people and their food. majesty's government should propose an Now, he considered that to be a very misalteration of these laws, by which the in-chievous statement to go forth to the terests of the landowners would be pro-world, as he never saw any attempt to inperly protected, he would give the alteration his support; but if the interests of that class should not be sufficiently attended to, he certainly would not countenance the change. terfere; nor could there be any attempt to interfere between the people and their food, unless when it was proposed to take that course which would have the effect of destroying those who were the true cultivators of the soil producing that food. If they were about to permit an importation of foreign grain, at such a duty as would inevitably drive all the poor lands, and perhaps, a great part of the rich, out of cultivation, then, indeed, they would be Mr. Whitmore expressed his pleasure at hearing the noble lord state so plainly and so temperately the objects of difference between the parties interested in the corn question. The moderation so strong ly exhibited upon that occasion, would go a great way to quiet the fears of the agri-interfering with the people and their food, culturists, and to satisfy them that the violent changes which they apprehended were not desired by those who called for a modification of the Corn-laws. Mr. Marshall said, that the persons who suffered most from the operation of the Corn-laws had borne their distresses for a long time with great patience; and that they now entertained strong hopes of -being relieved from the miseries incidental to the continuance of the present system of restriction hopes which he earnestly trusted would not be disappointed. Mr. Phillips said, that the great evil arising from the prohibitions of the importation of grain was, that it prevented manufactures from being carried out of the country, in return for the grain that might be brought in. There could not be a greater mistake than to suppose that the introduction of foreign grain would be injurious to the agriculturist: seeing that no change could take place in the commerce of the country that would give it fresh activity, and contribute to the prosperity of the manufacturing classes, without proving beneficial to the holders and occupiers of land. Sir T. Lethbridge could not allow the and plunging one of the most important interests of the state into irretrievable ruin. It had been said, and said truly, that there never was an instance in which great importations of foreign grain were permitted, that the country into which they came was not ultimately brought into a condition approaching to a scarcity. The true way to avert these evils, and to afford that relief to all classes of which they seemed to be so much in want, would be to encourage, by every means in their power, the progress of agricultural improvement. By that means they would be able to give support to thousands, thrown out of employment by the use of machinery, and afford that relief to the destitute of the manufacturing classes which it was clear could not now be given by the manufacturers themselves. One word as to what had fallen from an hon. member on the subject of the market to be opened for the manufactures of this country by the repeal of the Corn-laws. He had lately conversed with a person who thought proper to purchase two hundred thousand quarters of Polish oats. When that individual went to pay the price of those oats, how did the House suppose that payment was made? Why, they would pro tion to send out a commission to the colony, it would prove wholly useless. No justice could be done by such a commission; and he made that assertion upon the strength of the best, because it was hostile, testimony. The last question he had put to a hostile witness before the last committee was-" Do you think the trading in slaves at the Mauritius in the year 1820 to have been as notorious as the sun at noon-day?" The answer was, "I think it is." Then came the point, that, although the trade was, as it had been thus de bably say, in British manufactures. In hardware? No. In bales of cotton goods? No. Insilks, in stuffs, or any other productions which were fit for the market in the north of Europe? No. The seller demanded and received payment in English sovereigns. So much for the encouragement the trade and manufactures of the country were to receive from the repeal of the Corn-laws. Nothing could be more absurd than to propose the repeal of these laws for the purpose of encouraging manufactures. The only effect resulting from the repeal would be the destruction of the agricultural in-scribed from the mouth of a hostile witness, terests of this country, and the driving the people to look for their main supply of grain from other countries; from countries not yet made agricultural, but which soon would be, and which countries never could become customers for English manufac-ever been punished. So prevalent, indeed, tures. He protested against any attempt to destroy what he must always consider the most important interest of the state. as notorious as the sun at noon-day, it was equally notorious that, although great numbers of ships had been captured, and no less than two thousand five hundred slaves taken, not a single individual had was the feeling in favour of slavery, that it was declared there was an impossibility in procuring conviction. In case it was not the intention of the government to send out a commission, the hon. member observed, as we understood, that he had an equally strong objection to a commission at home; and he begged, therefore, to ask what was the intention of government upon the subject? SLAVE TRADE AT THE MAURITIUS.] Mr. F. Buxton, in rising to move for the Committee of which he had given notice, said, that as the subject had been already discussed in all its details, and as he did not anticipate any opposition, he would content himself with merely moving "That Mr. W. Horton replied, that he was not a Select Committee be appointed, to in- prepared to give a perfectly satisfactory quire whether the Slave Trade has existed explanation of the matters referred to by at the Mauritius and its dependencies, to the hon. member, in the absence of his what extent, and the causes thereof." right hon. friend. He was not, however, Mr. W. Horton begged the hon. gentle-aware that it was the intention of governman not to press the appointment of such a committee in the absence of his right hon. friend, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. There were many things connected with the subject which would render it very desirable that his right hon. friend should be present. Mr. F. Buxton expressed his surprise, that, after that right hon. Secretary had, nearly nine months ago, declared his opinion in favour of inquiry, and declared that, after the charges he had heard, a parliamentary inquiry ought to take place, there should be any opposition, or hesitation in consenting to the appointment of a committee. As he had had no opportunity, however, of any immediate correspondence with that right hon. gentleman, he would consent to postpone his motion for the present, upon the consideration of the hon. Secretary consenting to reply to two, or even one, question. He was convinced, in the first place, that if there was any inten ment to send out a commission to the Mauritius; and, as to a committee at home upon the subject, it was not, in his opinion, by any means likely to be productive of beneficial results. Mr. Buxton then withdrew his motion. NORTHAMPTON ELECTION-CONDUCT OF THE CORPORATION.] Major Maberly, in rising to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice, relative to the petition from Northampton, complaining of the conduct of the Corporation of that borough, felt himself placed in circumstances of no ordinary difficulty. Under no circumstances, indeed, did a public accuser find himself in a very grateful position; but, upon the present occasion, he felt all the usual unpleasantness of such an office, with the addition of no slight embarrassment, arising from considerations that personally affected himself; for, in this case, while he knew, on the one hand, that he had been intrusted by his constituents with the execution of a duty of the most serious nature, and involving great responsibility in its discharge, he could not conceal from himself, on the other, that with those gentlemen against whom he was instructed to bring the charge that he was about to submit to the House, he was necessarily placed in a situation of direct and hostile collision. But he felt that he should not perform the duty he owed to those constituents, if he did not attempt to expose what he thought, on the part of the corporation of Northampton, a gross dereliction of duty, he was not the less anxious to guard against the imputation of being actuated (for interested in this case he was, nor could he be otherwise) by private or political rancour and malevolence. All he regretted was, that the two petitions which had been presented on this subject had not been intrusted to abler hands, and that his constituents had come to him to redeem the pledge he had given of bringing forward this case, if they should persevere in their intention of submitting it to the House.The circumstances of that case might be thus simply stated. The corporation of Northampton, a rich and powerful corporation, at the last general election, availed themselves of that influence which they conceived their wealth and power entitled them to exercise in this manner :-A few days previous to the dissolution of the last parliament, a gentleman, of no little consideration in the county, at a meeting of the borough corporation for conducting some ordinary business, brought forward a motion for granting 1,000l. towards defraying the costs of any gentleman who should come forward, in the ministerial interest, to represent the borough in parliament. The vote was agreed to; and, in consequence, deputation from the borough was despatched to various places to find such a candidate. A committee was formed; and, according to report (for he had no positive proof of the fact), an agreement was entered into with the candidate who offered, to this effect, that he should find a portion of money to meet the expenses of the election; the corporation undertaking to provide, partly by private subscriptions, and partly out of the corporate funds, for the remainder. Subsequently to the election, and about the middle of the last month, a circular was issued to every member of the corporation, 1 to the following effect :-" You are hereby summoned to attend the corporate assembly, to be held by the mayor, &c. of the borough in Northampton, for determining on certain propositions to be submitted on the following subjects; namely, the grant of a sum of money not exceeding 1,000l. to be applied, under the directions of a committee, towards paying the ordinary legal expenses of one of the candidates for representing this borough in parliament," &c. &c. This vote was objected to by two or three gentlemen who were present; on which the mayor read to the meeting the opinions of three legal gentlemen on the subject; and concluded, upon that authority, by informing the corporation, that the property they were about to vote was their own, and that they might grant it without fees or scruple. On this, the money was voted; the three gentlemen in question alone protesting against the grant.-This being the state of the case, he had no hesitation in saying, that, so far as common sense and reason were concerned, here was a palpable abuse in the application of the corporate funds. He might be told, that this money was the property of the corporation, which possessed as full a dominion over it, as any individual could exercise over his own private funds; that some of these corporation funds were fairly and honestly applied to the charitable purposes for which they had been originally assigned or bequeathed; and that other portions were disposable by the corporation, under the terms of their investment, at the pleasure of that corporation. But, against such doctrines he should altogether protest. The power which the corporation of Northampton assumed was one which, if permitted, would leave the minority of every corporation a poor, plundered, and despoiled body, in cases such as the present. The corporation of Northampton were placed in this dilemma. If the majority of a corporation have a power of binding the minority, in such an instance as the present, then he did not know what case could possibly arise, in any corporation in which the majority might not bind the minority. But, taking the other horn of the dilemma, and acting upon the principle that a majority of a corporation had not an unlimited power of binding the minority, he would contend, that a corporation had no such power; that they had a power only of binding the minority in |