529 Grant to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence.

he never could consent to such a grant
as this. He disliked these attempts to
make the monarchy too expensive for the
means of the nation, and to provoke com-
parisons between its cost, and that of the
forms of governments in other countries.
Like his hon. friend, he preferred the
manlier course of meeting the motion
with a direct negative, than calling for
further time to make up his mind upon
the vote which he ought to give.

FEB. 16, 1827.

530

made to the incomes of all the royal princes, except in the instance of the duke of York's larger income, which had been settled long before; and no distinctive allowance had been required for the heir presumptive. Indeed, so far as the duke of York was concerned, the attempt to create a precedent for a higher income for an heir presumptive must totally fail; for, at the time when these allowances were fixed, his royal highness was not the heir presumptive, the then Mr. Brougham expressed his regret at was the being obliged to concur in the view taken prince of Wales, his elder-brother, occuof this question by his noble friend, and pying that high station; nor the other hon. friends who had preceded duke of York so elevated, until after the him. No man could be more willing lamented death of the princess Charlotte, than he was, to lend his humble assist- when no claim of larger income was made ance to every measure which was calcu- in his behalf. The increased income of lated to support, on a just and splendid the duke of York was, therefore, not scale, the state and dignity of the royal estimated by his rank as heir presumpfamily; and if any case of exigency could tive, he not being so at the time, but was be made out to justify the present claim, framed in the year 1792, upon his marhe should have no hesitation to assent to it. riage, and with reference to the scale of The duke of York received his But, had ministers attempted to press a case his then necessarily increased establishof exigency? No. The question rested ment. plainly on this simple statement-that increased allowance in 1792, undoubtedly the melancholy event of the demise of the not because he stood in a different reladuke of York had imposed upon the duke tion, as a member of the royal family, of Clarence, as a consequence, the neces- from his younger brothers--not because sity of incurring a greater expenditure, in he was heir presumptive, for he held not maintaining his rank, than he had been that seniority-but solely on account of previously called upon to incur. Where his marriage settlement. This was capawas the proof of this necessity? Where ble of demonstration, by a reference to had it been shown, that his royal highness the discussions upon the subject in the had any estate or dignity necessarily to year 1792, and also in 1806.-It was, support as heir presumptive, which he then, he thought, quite clear that there had not equally to maintain in the life- was, in fact, no superior scale of income time of his brother? If it could be shown established, or even recognized by precethat his royal highness's present income dent, for an heir presumptive, as contrawas insufficient for his proper and becom- distinguished from the other younger ing scale of living, and that it was fit and princes of the royal family. Very differreasonable it should be increased now ent, indeed, was the condition of the heir that he had become heir presumptive, apparent. In his case there was clearly, then the case would be different; but the legally, and justly, a superior claim; for chancellor of the Exchequer had made he was called upon to maintain a higher more responsible station. out no such case: he had not even at- and a tempted to state it: his claim was there-king and fore groundless, and must be considered as untenable. He had said, indeed, that on former occasions of settling the income of the royal family, regard had been had by parliament to the consideration, whether or not the prince of the blood was in the immediate succession to the throne. That assertion was incorrect; for no such distinction had been marked out on the occasions alluded to. Certainly, none had been taken in 1806, when the 6,000l. additional had been

The

the queen, queen consort, the heir apparent, and princess royal, were severally distinguished by law from all other members of the royal family. It was fit, then, when the law raised them to marked places of superior privilege and dignity, that parliament should give effect to the constitutional principle of such selection, by enabling them suitably to maintain their higher privileges. But no such distinction prevailed as to the heir presumptive. He was not called on to support more state than any other junior

sources-a crisis when distress pervaded all ranks of the community, and imperatively called upon the representatives of the people to save the last shilling they could retain of the public expenditure?--With reference to the illustrious individual for whom this grant, though unasked by him, was intended, he entirely agreed in the respectful sentiments which had been expressed towards him. But this was a question in which, undoubtedly, personal considerations ought not to be mixed. True it was, that the duke and duchess of Clarence had the least possible reason to deprecate the consideration with reference to persons; for they could, at least, upon public and private grounds, from the unanimous and unequivocal testimony borne to their character by those who had the best opportunities from personal intercourse of knowing it, meet the application of any such personal allusion. Nevertheless, he repeated, that he deprecated personal allusion here, for it was foreign to the present question. The House was now called upon to regulate his royal highness's income upon an increased scale, because of his being heir presumptive to the throne. There was no reference either to recognized public station, or private character, but a mere assumption of rank. There was, in fact, no argument whatever to call for the additional grant. It was, therefore, with deep regret, that he felt himself called upon, by a sense of public duty, to oppose the motion, having heard nothing that could justify him in giving it the sanction of his vote.

branch of the royal family. He was not called on to undergo any extraordinary expenditure to support his rank; and the only question, then, ought to be, was he sufficiently provided for already? It was surely for those who called now, for the first time, for this increase, to make out a case, showing in what the difference consisted in the situation of the heir presumptive from that which he had previously enjoyed as a member of the royal family, and how far it involved an increase of expenditure? Viewing the question, therefore, in this light, it was with great regret that he found himself compelled to call for further time, to inquire more maturely into the new circumstances in which the heir presumptive was supposed to be placed. Something had been said of the manner in which the grant of 1792 had been conferred; and the hon. colonel had urged, that if it were not wrong at the former time, it could not be improper now. All he should say in reply to that argument was this-that very possibly it might have been right in 1792, and yet that it was a precedent which it would be wrong to follow now. He was one of those who thought, that if the times had been as bad in 1792 as they were at present, probably the large grant would not have been voted at all; but, whether it was right or wrong, it was no part of their present business to inquire, for it clearly failed to furnish a precedent. They were now called upon to add 9,000l. a year to the income of a member of the royal family, at a time of unexampled public distress. The hon. colonel had told them, that this addition would not Mr. Secretary Peel admitted, that there impose a new burthen upon the country; was no subject so unpleasant as one like but it was a fallacy to say they would not this, which referred to circumstances somesave this 9,000l. a year, and therefore what of a personal nature, and particularly to that extent relieve the public bur- when they applied to the condition of the thens, by retaining the benefit of the royal family. When he was called upon income which had just fallen in by the to justify the proposed grant, he felt the death of the duke of York. The hon. difficulty, if not the impossibility, of colonel asserted, that the country did not demonstrating that 9,000l. a year was the look very close at these matters, and was sum that ought to be added to the income sure they would have preferred continuing of the present heir presumptive to the to pay the larger income, rather than throne. Indeed, if the case admitted of endure the calamity of his royal highness's so precise a calculation, the details were death. He concurred with him in this of such a nature, that rather than enter appreciation of the public feeling; and it minutely into them for the purpose of was just and right it should be so: but, demonstration, he would prefer leaving because this saving of income did, in the every gentleman who heard him to draw course of nature, fall in, was it to be the line of estimate in his own mind, and squandered at such a crisis as this, when apply his computation to the amount now the national finances disclosed a deficit of called for. The question was, he thought, so many millions over and above its re-really this. Was an addition of 3,000l. a

533 Grant to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence.

year to the income of his royal highness | tended, that the precedent of the duke of the duke of Clarence, and of 6,000l. a York's grant, did not apply to this case, year to his consort, since he had become because he did not stand, at the time of heir presumptive, a reasonable claim or its arrangement, in the situation of heir prenot? That, and that only, was the con- sumptive. Perhaps, arguing the point with sideration into which he had hoped the the precise definition of an abstract quesHouse would have entered. He admitted tion of dry law, that might be true; but, that the present was a time when the im- practically, the case was different, and in position of any considerable expenditure point of fact, even supposing that the ought, as much as possible, to be avoided. duke of York's larger income did not accrue to him as heir presumptive, the He likewise admitted, that even the expense of the decent splendor of royalty precedent à fortiori applied stronger in itself ought to be closely examined, and favour of the duke of Clarence; for in the not be permitted to run into excess; still former it appeared that, though not standhe would say, that the circumstances of ing in the first degree, that income had the country were not such as to preclude been deemed necessary to support the the adoption of this grant, provided it were royal duke in his marriage establishment. reasonably proportioned to the expenditure He must beg leave to correct the hon. and which the heir presumptive was called learned gentleman in his assertion, that when the duke of York's income was fixed, upon, from his high station, to incur. He repelled the odious charge which the hon. and even in the subsequent arrangements member for Aberdeen had presumed to respecting the establishments of the memcast upon himself and his colleagues, that bers of the royal family, the proximity of they were influenced, in bringing forward his late royal highness to the succession this proposition, by a desire to curry favour to the throne, compared with that of his with the personage next in degree to the younger brothers, had not been taken into reigning monarch, and contrasted that the consideration. Mr. Pitt had expressly unworthy charge with the more candid said "Do not think that this grant is an inadmission of the hon. and learned gentle- justice to, or hardship upon, the rest of the man opposite, that the real question had royal family." It was proposed to vote so much to the duke of York, and so much no reference whatever to personal conto the duchess, making 33,000l. for the siderations, and that he met it upon a sense of public duty alone. He gave that duke, and 4,000l. for the duchess. A hon. and learned gentleman full credit for judgment upon this question must be being influenced by such a motive; and, formed upon the united considerations of was it too much for him to claim in return many circumstances which, as he had for his majesty's ministers, that they had before observed, it was painful to touch recommended this application upon their upon. Many of them singly might be of own responsibility, and certainly not ad- little importance, but he contended, that vised to do so by the duke of Clarence the aggregate of them were of considerfrom public considerations alone? He able weight; and, in discussing this subject, could assure the House, that the motion he could not dismiss from his mind, that proceeded from better motives than any when this 37,000l. was granted to the desire to recommend themselves to the duke and duchess of York, the duke was grace and favour of the heir presumptive. in possession of other property arising, it He was ready, then, to put the question was true, from other sources and from other quarters. The income of the duke on the ground called for by the hon. and learned gentleman, and to say, that he of York was nearly 50,0001. a year: it was, honestly believed there would be that he believed, as near as possible, 49,000l. amount of additional expenditure, in the Now, the income of the duke and duchess establishment of his royal highness the of Clarence, who stood in precisely the duke of Clarence, consequent upon his same situation with the duke and duchess being placed in the situation of heir pre- of York, would not, in the event of this sumptive to the throne. He, likewise grant being carried, exceed 38,000l. What believed, that in that very situation, he the hon. and learned gentleman had said would be exposed to claims of private about the law recognizing only the heir benevolence, which, upon grounds of public apparent to the throne, and passing over importance, it was desirable he should be heirs presumptive, was perfectly true. He was quite as well aware of this fact as the in a condition to satisfy; but, it was con

to recollect, that the committee which sat then, and still sat, at the London tavern, were decidedly of opinion, that no such measure ought to be adopted. They deprecated, indeed, any such exertion of the royal prerogative, as likely to become a pernicious precedent; and declared their conviction, that it was much better that the funds should be supplied by private subscription than by public aid. These were the only considerations which had influenced him in the advice he then gave, and in the course he had followed; and he could not but regret, that the hon. member, in the opposition which he thought proper to give to the present motion, had chosen to mix up topics which had no possible connection with the question; and, instead of following the steps of the hon. and learned member and the noble lord, who preceded him, and whose opposition and whose protest were founded upon public grounds, had attached to the question arguments and accusations which bordered very strongly upon invidiousness.

hon. and learned gentleman was; but why | willingly. But he ought at the same time did the law not recognize heirs presumptive, and why had the House invariably considered them? Could there be any other reason, except that their claims to the throne were equally well founded with those of heirs apparent? In this case, were not the claims of the heir presumptive, in all human probability, as well founded as those of any heir apparent could possibly be? As to the case of the princess Charlotte, it must be recollected, that that princess was neither heir apparent nor heir presumptive; and yet her situation induced that House to allow greater resources for the maintenance of her rank and station. He must therefore say, that he did not think this grant of 9,000l. at all too much. If the hon. member for Aberdeen had thought proper to exaggerate all the circumstances connected with this matter, and say that these 9,000l. would furnish bread for many needy and distressed persons, he would answer "So would every other grant." And would there not, in all probability, be found distressed objects, upon whom such sums could be bestowed? Mr. Abercromby said, that, in his opiWas not the honour and dignity of the nion, this proposition ought to be consiCrown to be considered, as well as the dered on public grounds. The plain and distresses of individuals? And yet every simple question was this: The duke and grant to the Crown and to the royal family duchess of Clarence had an income of might be met by the hon. gentleman with about 30,000l. a-year; and he was to precisely the same argument. That hon. ask himself, whether, in the present situagentleman had expressed his astonishment, tion of the country, he should be jusand represented it as disgraceful, that his tified in voting an additional grant of majesty had, by his advice, called in the aid 9,000l. a-year. If any reason had been of charitable individuals to the relief of the assigned for this increase, he should have distresses of the country. Of the relief thus been most willing to have listened to it, obtained, that hon. gentleman, by the bye, and if it had been a satisfactory one, to knew so little, as to call it 6,000l. He have allowed its full force; but, in the abbelieved that nearly 50,000l. had been raised. sence of all reason, either satisfactory or So far, too, was he from considering that the unsatisfactory, and having a public duty advice he had given to his majesty reflected to perform, he should refuse his assent to any disgrace upon him, or upon the the proposition. The chancellor of the government, that, if the same circumstances Exchequer had repeatedly used the exwere unhappily to require the same pression "proximity to the throne." remedy, he would not hesitate for a moment This expression he could not understand. to recommend it. So far, indeed, from Was there any reason why the duke of considering that the means which had been Clarence should enter more into public thus adopted, either with respect to the life now than he had done before? He distress in Ireland, or the more recent would say, that if a prince wished to estaafflictions of this country, were derogatory blish himself in the affections of those who to the character of the government, he would, in all probability, at some future was prepared to contend, that they bore a time, become his subjects, he would effect very different character. Did not the hon. that object in a far better manner by leadmember know, that if it had been thought ing a quiet and retired life, and that he expedient to apply 100,0007., or any other might learn a lesson from the consequences sum, to the distresses of the manufacturing which had resulted from other heirs appadistricts, it might have been had most rent deviating from that line of conduct.