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prove the charge of apathy unfounded. I and afford matter of wonder to any that What, however, has their bearing been, he should writhe under the sting of such but a corroboration of the evidence taken accumulated indignity and insult? Bebefore the committee appointed to inquire cause we cannot make men Protestants, into Irish affairs? Had we it not on the shall we make them rebels? I appeal, authority of all those examined on that Sir, to human sympathy and human feeloccasion, that there is but one and the ings, whether the mind of a man of ordisame feeling pervading every class of nary sensibility must not become in the Roman Catholics, from the highest to the highest degree susceptible of insurreclowest in degree-a sense of injury and tionary contagion; whether the distinction dissatisfaction arising from their disabili- created by law must not uphold and perties? I am willing to allow, that these petuate the recollection of old times and are not felt as an immediately operating old wrongs? Owing to the penal code is grievance by all equally; yet the conit that the fanatic murders of a former sciousness of their existence tends to in- century loses nothing, in the minds of crease the weight and influence of those the Irish, of their original greatness by a who, feeling them more acutely, are in- long tradition. Owing to the penal code clined to predispose their fellow-subjects is it that they still cherish a sore rememto disturbance, or to suspect the adminis- brance of the obstacles thrown in the tration of justice, on which alone a govern- way of hearing mass, when they were ment can found any claim to respect or obliged to resort to bogs, caves and obedience on the part of the governed. morasses, for the purpose of worshipping The Catholics feel themselves a degraded the Deity after their own manner; and and oppressed class, when compared with when their bold avowal of their religious others of the king's subjects-that they tenets was a crime of greater magnitude, in are looked down upon by those in power; the eye of the law, than the disguise of and they withdraw from the government prevarication and falsehood under which their confidence accordingly. They are the priests were obliged to cloak their willing to see the Protestant church pro- sacred calling. Refuse, Sir, to the Irish tected and secure in its immunities; but their privileges, and the spirit of the Cathocannot understand how their admission to lic church will continue to increase, and at the political honours and advantages of the length prevail over that of the nation. State can be considered as incompatible Grant them to them, and they will thencewith this object. Their disabilities pro- forward, I am convinced, become animated duce actually a morbid sense of self abase- by a British rather than a Catholic feeling. ment, a consciousness of degradation and The votes of the Irish representatives inferiority, which has the worst effect upon alone are sufficient to convince them that, the morals of the people. They feel like but for the Union with England, long ere men who, as it were, have lost their caste; this they must have been emancipated; and how can it be otherwise, when they and is it wise, is it prudent, I would ask, see a privileged order set over them? to give the Irish cause to hate the link Take a Catholic, for instance; let his rank, which binds them to us? But, unhaphis talents, his property, be what they will, pily, Ireland has ever been fated to find in he is perforce to content himself with England a false and haughty mistress; taking a passive rather than an active part let the broken Treaty of Limerick, the in the legislation of his country. If he be iron reign of a past, and the wily inducemild and meek of disposition, it is just ments to which, at the commencement of possible he may continue, without repining, the present century, the Union owed, and to pass his life in dull contented obscurity; owed alone, its success, attest the fact. but if he be made, as most men are, of It should be borne in mind, however, that somewhat a more stern and inflammable both oppression and treachery fail to atdisposition, can he see himself looked down tain their objects, when the first ceases to upon by the more favoured part of the hold in subjection, and the last to deceive community, with whom he has little or no those on whose account such means have interest? Should he be in any profession, been resorted to. Persecution is known shall he find a limit set to his honest am- to act in direct opposition to the wishes bition-the honours not attendant on the of the persecutors. Persecution, in queen toil? Shall he hear his oath proclaimed Mary's time, did more towards establisha lie, and his loyalty and religion slighted, ing, on a firm and solid basis, the Protes

tant religion, than did all the Edicts, pro- | spiritual sovereign; fifthly, it is said they mulgated for its support, in the life-time hold the principle that it is lawful to break of her father, Henry. Without persecu- faith with heretics. Such are, if I am not tion, the church of Scotland had not mistaken, the ground, at least the ostengained a victory over that of England; sible one, on which a party in this country and without persecution, the Catholic ground their hostility to the claims of the church would scarcely, in the mighty Catholics. Having now put the question flood of its monopoly, have absorbed the into a somewhat tangible form, and classed affections of the Irish, nearly unrivalled, under five separate heads the principal to itself. It has been observed, and well arguments of its opponents, I will now observed, that the Catholic is, de facto, proceed to examine how these will be the substantive, and the Protestant but found to bear upon the merits of the the adjective, religion of Ireland; and question at issue, and I am bound in canmost true it is, that that only can become dour to confess, that if these tenets, which really efficient as the established religion have been imputed to the Catholics, were of a country, which has obtained posses- cherished by them as such, no one would sion of the hearts and affections of that feel more anxious than I should to prevent country's population. Years of blood, from a participation in the honours and discord, and rebellion were the consequen-advantages of the State, men who could ces of our attempting to do in Scotland hold doctrines so contrary to the dictates what we are now endeavouring to bring of Christianity, so totally incompatible. about in Ireland. Scotland had chosen with the very existence of civilized society; Presbyterianism as best suited to the but how stands the case? These opinfeelings, opinions, and prejudices of its ions which have been imputed to Cathopopulation; and we were, accordingly, lics, as part and parcel of their creed, turn obliged to yield to that majority's predi- out to be the mere fabrications of artful lections; since when, peace and prosperity and designing men; cobwebs spun for the have become the characteristics of a purpose of enveloping the brains of those country, which, before, was torn by dis- who have not force to break through the order and anarchy; from being one of the entanglement of them; the real fact is, most disturbed, it has become one of the these doctrines, at the present day, are as most peaceful portions of the British em- little characteristic of the church of Rome, pire. If, then, Sir, a positive good results as of that of England. On what authority from allowing to take their course, un- do I make this assertion? Not on my molested, the religious opinions and pre-own-not on that of two, three, or four judices of the majorities in two portions obscure individuals; no dubious testimony of the United Kingdom, I should be glad will it, I trust, be thought I call in support to learn why the principle is lost sight of of what I advance, when I summon as in the case of the third? In a word, why witnesses in my behalf, the whole Cathothat which is deemed sound policy in lic hierarchy of these kingdoms; and can England and Scotland, is not acted upon it be supposed that a body of men, devoted in the instance of Ireland? But we are as they are to a high and sacred calling, told Catholicism embraces doctrines to- many of whom are now hovering on the tally incompatible with the spirit of the very verge of the grave, most of them British constitution; and this allegation having passed long lives in the service of is founded, as I learn, upon the following their God, and all of them enjoying repucharges brought against the Roman Ca- tations untainted by the slightest breath tholic church: first, it is matter of ac- of calumny, towards whose spiritual cusation against Catholics, that they are guidance are turned with reverence and guilty of impiety in usurping, through ab- affection the regards of eight millions of solution, the power of forgiving sins; se- our fellow Christians-can it be supposed, condly, that they promote vice, in grant- I ask, for an instant, that a body of men so ing, by means of indulgencies, an antici- circumstanced, would unite in subscribing pated pardon for sins to come; thirdly, their names, attested by that holy and that they do not feel themselves bound by venerated symbol of their religion, the the sacred obligations of an oath, should cross, to a falsified statement of their the pope choose to dispense with the ob-creed-a creed which teaches them not servance of it; fourthly, that they divide their allegiance between a temporal and a

less than our own, that truth is the first attribute of the Deity whom they worship,

and whose word they are sworn to teach they disclaim holding the principle, that and to obey, in full hope, that none are it is lawful to break faith with heretics; to be found so besotted by bigotry, so they believe and declare, that every Cathowedded to religious prejudices? I shall lic, as well by the laws of nature as those bestow a few moments consideration of revealed religion, is bound to observe on the substance of the statements as the duties of fidelity and justice to all published by authority of the Catholic men, without distinction of nation or reprelates, in vindication of their calum- ligion. Having now endeavoured to exniated religion. Firstly, then, as I have plain those points of Catholic doctrine, stated, they are charged with impiety, in which are most frequently misrepresented usurping, through absolution, the power or misunderstood, and the substance of of forgiving sins. What is their answer the statement by which the Catholic preto this? That no actual sin can be for- lates have rebutted and falsified the given at the will of any pope, priest, or charges levelled against their religion, I individual whatsoever, without a sincere trust I am not too sanguine in believing, sorrow for having offended God, a deter- that justice will, ere long, be done to the mination to avoid future errors, and to principles of the Catholics-that it will atone for past transgressions-he who, at length be conceded, no opinions flow without these necessary dispositions, re- from them incompatible with their duties ceives absolution, only incurs the addi- as Christians, or as British subjects: and tional guilt of hypocrisy and profanation. I now beseech the legislature, but more Secondly, it is stated, they promote vice especially his majesty's government, upon in granting indulgencies as an anticipated the members of which the settlement of pardon for sins to come. Why, they de- this question must mainly depend, to clare an indulgence is no pardon for sin at pause ere they withhold their consent to all; it only remits, on repentance of the the prayers of these petitioners; I would sinner, the whole or some part of the remind them that we may now chance to temporal punishment with which the be upon the very verge of war; a war, church had in the first instance thought which, if once kindled, would, in the idea fit to visit the offence. With regard to of the right hon. Secretary for Foreign the third charge, that Catholics do not Affairs, partake of the most tremendous feel themselves bound by the sacred obli- character of any, perhaps, which ever gations of an oath, should the pope took place in Europe; for, as the right choose to dispense with their observance hon. gentleman had stated, it would, in all of it, they state, they cannot sufficiently likelihood, become a war of conflicting express their surprise and abhorrence of opinion. Where is that country, I should such an accusation, since they believe no be glad to know, which would suffer more power in any pope, priest, or individual, from the operation of such a war than or body of men whatever, can make would Great Britain, as regards her Irish it lawful for a Catholic to confirm any interests? I would remind his majesty's falsehood by oath, or absolve himself from government, too, that a system of perseany oath by which he may have either cution and oppression has been followed ratified his allegiance to his sovereign, or up with regard to Ireland for four cenany obligation of duty or justice to third turies past; that the annals of the country persons; he who takes an oath, is bound may literally be traced in blood, have to observe it in the obvious meaning of been marked by a greater degree of atrothe words, or in the known meaning of city and barbarism than can be discovered him to whom it is sworn. For the fourth in the history of any other country in charge, that they divide their allegiance Europe during the same period; that between a temporal and a spiritual so- civilization has crawled a slow and invereign: they feel indignant at the impu- timidated progress, while poverty and distation; in the sovereign and the State, affection have strode over the nation's they believe and declare, are vested the re- prostrate energies; and I would ask if gulation and direction of temporal affairs; such are, and history tells us they have they only bow to the guidance of the pope been, the deadly effects of a four hundred in spiritual matters, according to the divine years' experiment, whether it might not command of "render unto Cæsar the be as well to try if a contrary system things which are Cæsar's, and unto God would not have a contrary effect. If the the things which are God's." Fifthly, I mild attentions of a sister for the future

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might effect what the harsh dominion of | culated for the maintenance of their hapa mistress has hitherto failed to do, what piness, and the enjoyment of their rights. enables us to rule the seventy or eighty mil- The House would, I repeat, have been inlions of our Indian territories, with com-duced to adopt that course from the inparatively more ease than the seven or fluence of these feelings alone; but, Sir, eight millions? Why are the Catholics of I feel that the circumstances under which Canada, divided as they are from us by we are called upon to present an Address the broad Atlantic, more amenable to our of Condolence to the King, in consequence laws, more contented with the government of the death of the Duke of York, are, in than the inhabitants of a country whose some respects, peculiar, and different shores approach within but a few short from the ordinary course of events. miles of our own? Why, but because in Address, if acquiesced in by the House, Asia and America we can condescend and will be presented to one who was the find it for advantage to court and consult companion of the deceased prince's early the public opinion; because we go to war years-who had studied with him in his with it in Ireland, in Ireland it goes to youth, and who had been intimately acwar with our government. Since, then, quainted with him throughout his life; to opposition fails, let us try concession; one who had watched over him in his since persecution begets only disaffection dying moments, in the utmost affliction, and discontent, let us adopt a milder sys- and who felt his loss with the regret of a tem in a word, let us place the Catholics brother. I am sure no consolation is upon the same footing as ourselves; let better calculated to assuage the affliction us allow them to participate with us in which that illustrious person must feel, the advantages and honours of the state; than the demonstration that this House let us give them an interest in its welfare, concurs in the universal feeling of respect and I feel convinced, as I stand here, which is felt throughout the country for that they will be found among its subjects the memory of the deceased duke, and in some of the most loyal, amongst its de- the universal disposition to offer their fenders some of the most faithful. respectful assurances of regret for his loss. Ordered to lie on the table. But, mixed with that regret, which, as I said before, under any circumstances, this

DEATH OF THE DUKE OF YORK-House would be disposed to evince, is the ADDRESS OF CONDOLENCE TO HIS MAJESTY.] Mr. Secretary Peel rose, and said-Sir, in the period which has elapsed between the separation and reassembling of this House, the country has sustained the loss, by death, of the first prince of the blood; a prince whom the probable course of human events would, at some future period, have placed on the throne of these realms. Under such circumstances, at any time, and without reference to personal qualities or extraneous considerations, this House would have been induced, in unison with the general feelings of the country-to have presented an Address to the Throne, expressive of their respectful sympathy with the feelings of his majesty. The House would, under any circumstances, I say, have been induced to adopt that course, from the feelings which must necessarily arise in the bosoms of subjects of an ancient and limited monarchy, from those feelings that spring from the deep-felt conviction, that there is no other form of government better suited to the genius and habits of the people of this country, or better cal

feeling which arises from the deep respect which, I am warranted in saying, it must feel for the public services of the deceased duke; and also a feeling of a tenderer and more domestic sort, which arises from long experience of the great kindness of his heart, and the benevolence of his disposition-qualities which adorn any station of life, but which shine with peculiar lustre when displayed in such exalted rank. Sir, I do not stand up here for the purpose of pronouncing a set eulogium on the character of the Duke of York. It was well said by an hon. gentleman opposite, upon an occasion not dissimilar to the present, that a laboured panegyric on the great, was better suited to the genius of despotic countries, than to the free institutions of this; and nothing would be less in character with the open manliness and candour of him who is the object of this Address, than that I should ascribe to him qualities which he did not possess, or deny him those faults from which none are free. I shall therefore confine myself to the truth, and I think I do not transgress the truth when I say

that, in the public capacity of commander-nomy of his regimental intercourse. To in-chief of the forces, his royal highness, give effect to these would require a man the deceased duke, improved the discipline, of professional knowledge; but I do not and raised the moral character of the pro- think a lengthened allusion to them necesfession. I do not transgress the truthsary; I attribute the general effect less to when I say, further, that he possessed a the operation of particular rules than to combination of singular advantages and of the influence of the more large and expeculiar personal qualities for properly dis- tended system which he adopted towards charging the functions of that high the troops. It is in the example which station, and that he lost no opportunity the Royal Duke set to the officers in his of availing himself of those advantages. own person, of gentlemanly and courteous Sir, for a period of six and forty years the attention to the wants of the meanest solDuke of York was a soldier in the British dier-in the stimulus which such an exarmy, and for a period of thirty-two years, ample gave them to do their duty-in with a slight intermission, he held the high the conviction which he made every man situation of commander-in-chief; and I feel, that however low his station, jusdo not believe that any man could do tice would be done, and protection afjustice to the services which he rendered forded him against oppression-in these to the country in that capacity, except particulars, I say, and in these effects, are the man who knows, by personal experi- to be found the causes of the army being ence, or has taken the pains to look at made that wonderful machine which, by the state of the British army, as to effi- regularity of movement, and submissive ciency and discipline, when his royal obedience to anthority, retains the energy highness assumed the command of it, and which ever distinguishes the soldier of a its state at the moment when he relin- free state from the passive machines of a quished it. I cannot soon forget the last despot. During the thirty years that the words which I myself heard from his lips, Duke of York filled the situation of comonly nine days before his death, upon mander-in-chief-a long period, comprishearing of the landing of part of the Bri- ing, I believe, ten thousand days. I do tish troops at Portugal. With a faint not believe I exaggerate when I say, that expression of honest triumph, he said he there was not one of those ten thousand wished any one to compare the condition days which passed by the Royal Duke withof the brigade which landed at Ostend in out devoting some portion of it to the per1794, with the corps which dis-embarked formance of his public duty. Never was at Lisbon in 1826. These were the last there a letter received at the office over words which I heard from the lips of his which he presided, without being noticed, royal highness. The Duke of York had if it was susceptible of an answer. If it himself commanded a British army in contained a signature, the reply was, withHolland, before he was raised to the office out delay, transmitted to the proper adof commander-in-chief; and when he dress. And it ought to be stated, to the came to it, he declared that no other honour of the deceased Duke, that the officer who might hereafter command on answer so sent was not a mere dry, official foreign service should be subjected to the communication, referring the party to some same disadvantages that he had laboured other department, but that, upon every under. Sir, no other but a man of pro- occasion, his royal highness showed an fessional experience could trace the pro-anxious desire to facilitate the despatch of gressive steps by which this discipline and efficiency had been effected in the British army. To do so it would be necessary to detail the several rules which have been adopted and watched over with great attention, in order to the correction of many abuses, and the supply of many defects in the British army; the many regulations by which the welfare and comfort of the soldier, in the subordinate ranks of the army, were secured, with respect to his religious instruction, his duties on foreign service, the education of his children, and the eco

business, although it might not be within his own department. If the letter had no signature, but preferred a complaint, it was not necessarily rejected because it was anonymous, but immediate inquiry was made, to ascertain whether the particular charge was well or ill founded. And, upon every occasion of promotion in the army, I think I can appeal with confidence to the House itself, whether there has not been a universal wish to do justice to the strict impartiality with which his royal highness discharged that most important

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