generally, too, as had been observed for many successive sessions, were so framed, as to say as little as possible upon the most difficult circumstances of the times; but, in no instance, had a speech from the throne ever so completely failed to notice such subjects, as the present one had done, He hoped, however, that he should live to see the day when this species of introduction to the business of the session, this most useless, and, because useless, most un seemly (he would not use a harsher epithet) ceremony dispensed with. The best thing in the Speech which had been delivered on the present occasion was, that the hon. mover himself, who must have had all the necessary opportunities of considering it before hand, could find no other way to dispose of it but by escaping from it. And far, indeed, was he, from finding fault with the hon. member on that score, because such a course, in relation to such a Speech, was matter of absolute necessity. If his hon. and learned friend, who spoke last, and who belonged to that profession which was supposed especially to possess the faculty of speaking about nothing at all, had discovered that here was a Speech upon which even that faculty could not avail him, and had been obliged to make a digression to subjects that had been altogether omitted out of that Speech, his hon. and learned friend was justified in his digression; but the very same omissions formed one of the grounds of his (Mr. B.'s) complaints. He really was bound, at the same time, to observe, after the praises in which his hon. friend had indulged, of the smoothness and the richness of the agricultural soil of this country, that the Speech itself possessed, at least, one similar good quality, for it was fertile as well as flat [a laugh.] It embraced a great number of topics, if it was explicit upon none, or upon none of the more important ones. His hon. and learned friend had just directed their attention, with some anxiety, to one part of the Speech, in which, as he stated it, they were instructed to proceed in the business of economy and retrenchment in the public expenditure. It did appear to him, that his hon. and learned friend, before he proceeded to make those observations which this passage had elicited, should have recollected that rule of law, which held, "that deception is apt to lurk under generalities." Now, that rule ought to be a very great comfort to his hon. and learned friend; and should operate to relieve him from the alarm which he had evidently conceived at the bare suggestion of economy and retrenchment, in preparing the estimates for the current year. His hon. and learned friend had had less experience than himself, in the matters of king's speeches and estimates, otherwise the very last alarm which he could ever have been subject to, would have been a dread of those estimates being framed on too reduced or too economical a scale [a laugh.] Even had the Speech from the throne specifically pledged the government to frame them upon the most modest scale, the apprehensions of his hon. and learned friend would have been quite unfounded. In point of fact, this production employed the most vague and general expressions, in order to intimate the intention of ministers to frame the estimates after a low rate, that he had ever heard used, even in a king's Speech. The language was to this effect:-that his Majesty "will take care that the estimates shall be formed with as much attention to economy, as the exigencies of the public service will admit." Why-nobody ever heard the word "economy" employed in a king's speech, or retrenchment mentioned in the speech of one of his Majesty's ministers, without such a qualification as that; and even in the most wasteful and extravagant times of the government, intentions of retrenchment and economy had never been hinted at in any other way. He would fain have his hon. and learned friend comforted, moreover, by the assurance that, even when the strictest economy was professed to be the favourite object of administration—when the nation expressed, unanimously, its earnest desire that it should be practised in every department of the state-when a firm resolution was declared on the part of his Majesty's government that the wishes of the whole population of the country should be listened to, and, as far as possible, complied with, by the adoption of every practicable retrenchment (for he had even heard such language as this from the government, on some occasions); alarming as all this would have been, at such times, to his hon. and learned friend, yet if the period for producing the estimates had not then arrived, those alarms of his hon. and learned friend would subsequently have proved to be as unfounded as they now were. Those alarms would afterwards have been dissipated by the very first page of the very first estimates laid upon the table; for it would have clearly demonstrated what was the real value of professions of economy so made, and what the vanity of alarms founded upon such professions. Among the omissions that he had to charge upon this Speech from the throne, there were two, of which he must especially complain -the one (which had been but ill supplied by his hon. and learned friend in that part of his digression that extended to her affairs) was that which regarded the present state of Ireland-the other respected this very topic of retrenchment. Now, it did strike him as one of the most extraordinary incidents he ever remembered to have happened upon an occasion of this kind, that when, in the minds of all men-whether in the sister kingdom, or in this part of the united empire-there prevailed but one common opinion on the present aspect of public affairs; and that next in importance only to those measures which related to the food of the people, and, in many minds, even above those in importance the urgent, imperious, necessity was felt of having the affairs of Ireland speedily, though maturely and diligently, considered-that from beginning to end of this Speech the name of Ireland should never once occur. He had not a very distinct recollection of the matter; but this circumstance reminded him of an extraordinary and analogous fact, that distinguished the commencement of the American war. At that period at the very moment when we had already arrived at the crisis in which all men's eyes were turned towards America-when the word "America" was on the quivering lip of every man, who thought of the condition, or felt for the welfare of his countryamong all the topics to which the Speech from the throne, then delivered, directed the attention of the House, the name of America, either by specific mention, or implied allusion, was not to be found. So Ireland was a name altogether omitted on the present occasion. In the instance he had just adverted to, so far was the omission of America from being congenial to the hopes or the expectations of men, on either side of the Atlantic, that a most remarkable circumstance (as he had heard, but a few minutes before from a gentleman who was in America at the time) took place in one of her cities on the ar rival of a copy of the royal speech there. It was thought in America to be a bitter satire upon the monarch and the parliament of this country; insomuch, that the man who first ventured to promulgate it was cast into prison as a gross libeller, and was confined there until his vindication arrived in the shape of official despatches to the representative of the British government in that place. He would venture to say, with respect to Ireland, that no man, not being acquainted with the contents of this document-no man who remembered what had passed within the last few years, or the events which still were passing in that country-would believe that such a speech,could have been pronounced at this time. Obvious reasons prevented him from at present enlarging on this unfortunate subject; but he protested against the omission, and should expect to hear-not at present, perhaps, but certainly hereafter-some strong reasons assigned in justification of that omission. By much the best, and by far the most satisfactory, would be,-the proposition on the part of his Majesty's government, of some measure of sound, and li beral, and enlightened policy-calculated to effect the end of doing justice to Ireland, and of saving the Irish people from the combined horrors of civil and religious warfare of protecting the country in what had been made its weakest point, but what, well managed, ought to be the very right arm of its strength, and of the strength of the united empire. As to the question of retrenchment, it might be said by some, "When the estimates come before us, it will be time enough to think of that." But, taking into account the vague import of terms like those employed in the Speech of all which was to be found there on this topic-and listening a little to the reports which he heard circulating around him (some of them, by the bye, verified by outward and visible signs), he must confess, that he could not help feeling strongly impressed with the conviction, that one reason why no more direct and specific pledge, binding the House to effect further retrenchments in the public expenditure, had been given on this occasion, was that certain propositions might be expected to be speedily laid before it, savouring of any thing rather than of retrenchment-of any thing rather than a disposition to economise our resources--of any thing rather than a due regard-he would not say to the prejudices, but to the just and natural feelings of the people of this country - propositions, in short, which, once submitted, it might be a hazardous thing to predict the consequence of carrying. But he doubted whether they ever could be carried through the House; but, if carried, he was sure they would be so, with the deep, unanimous, and loudly-expressed reprobation of the people of England. These were not times for tampering with the feelings, or the opinions, of the people of England. The people were in a condition of extreme distress, and that distress extended not to any one class, but affected the farming as well as the manufacturing and commercial classes. Foolish theories had been set afloat, the effect of which was, to attribute the prevailing distress to causes that, instead of having heightened, had rather, in truth, alleviated it; causes, part of which were, by the nature of things, absolutely unconnected with it; while another part supplied a real setoff against those afflictions, and tended to mitigate rather than to increase them. But let the real causes of such distress be what they might-and whatever might be the collateral evils, by some expected to result from the application of the remedies which had been proposed-or assuming that the distresses which it was anticipated would arise from them to the agricultural interest might be as severe as ever their alarms had predicted-in all, in any, and in every case, one method remained to us-there were means within our power which must, at any rate, alleviate these distresses. These were retrenchment; the saving of the public money; the repeal of noxious taxes; the reduction of public burthens; the cutting down of every estimate, not merely to the rate at which the most moderate of them was now framed, but to that rate to which the people of England felt they had a right (aye! and would make that assembly too, feel, that it had the right, and owed the duty) to cut them down. This was the very least which parliament, under the circumstances of the country, could do. Not one single sixpence must be uselessly spent. The reduction of every salary of the public functionaries, in the civil, naval, and Mr. Secretary Canning said-I am military departments, from the highest to really, Sir, somewhat at a loss to know the lowest; the allowing not a single far- what the hon. and learned gentleman rething of the money which was wrung, quires, when he speaks of the barrenness hardly wrung, from, though still content-of information in the Speech from the edly paid by, the suffering people of this empire, to be expended but upon services, the absolute, indispensable, necessity of which would justify such expenditure. This course of proceeding only would satisfy the people of England. If such a course would relieve them-and as far as it went, it must relieve them-that relief they had a clear right to. But, even if it should fail to do so, it would still be giving them that which they had an undoubted right to demand; and that which, as their right, the House ought not to dream of refusing them. It would give to the people the satisfaction of knowing that, while they were suffering under the pressure of almost unendurable torments, the members of the legislature and of the government were not squandering their hard earnings, or permitting the wasteful expenditure of their resources. But he had heard of great public works which were carrying on-of new palaces. Talk of new palaces at such a moment as this! talk of architectural improvements, of architectural beauty, and taste, and ornaments, at such a moment as this! Let hon. gentlemen believe him, that, if they had the feelings of an English House of Commons-of such men as had sat there before them-they would direct. their attention to other subjects, with a view to satisfy the country, and to secure her safety. Let them believe him when he told them, that of all the architectural ornaments, er decorations, which, at that time, could attract to the metropolis, the eyes of the whole country--the very best, and purest, and most honourable, would be, unfinished palaces-unfinished palaces, while the people of England were suffering. He had now expressed his own conviction on this subject, without allowing himself to be deterred by the risk of exciting dissatisfaction in any quarter. He had deemed it to be his bounden duty not to suffer the present occasion to pass by, without declaring his strong and decided impression, that they could do their duty to the people only by pursuing the two courses which he had endeavoured to point out; first that of tranquillizing Ireland by doing her justice; and, secondly, that of keeping England peaceable, by every possible reduction of the public expenditure. Throne, and of the necessity of amplification under which, as he says, the hon. mover and seconder of the Address felt themselves in consequence. Nor can I exactly understand the justice of the complaint which we have heard, in such loud tones from the hon. and learned gentleman, with respect to the discontinuance of the usage of communicating the contents of the royal Speech on the evening before its delivery from the Throne. I undoubtedly recollect that, during the early period of my experience in parliament, it was the custom the night before the commencement of a session, to read to such members as might think proper to assemble to hear it, at a place called the Cock Pit, the Speech with which the king's ministers had advised his Majesty to open the session. Various inconveniences, however, which resulted from that practice have long occasioned its discontinuance; nor can I now understand the tendency of the complaint made by the hon. and learned gentleman; nor conjecture what advantage would have been derived from bringing the Speech prematurely before the public. Let it, also, Sir, be recollected, that, with the discontinuance of a communication of the intended Speech, a few hours before its delivery, has grown up another custom, which must materially counteract any evil, if evil there be, resulting from such discontinuance; namely, that it is not now usual to insert in the Speech any passages which may call in the Address for any pledge by the House of the precise course which they may deem itexpedient to adopt; and, therefore, that, in the present day, the Speech requires nothing in the Address beyond an ordinary and courteous reciprocation of good dispositions. If the hon. and learned gentleman thinks there is any thing in the Address which will preclude any hon. gentleman who may assent to it from taking whatever parliamentary course he may deem most advisable, with respect to any of the important questions that may come under our discussion, he opposes it on fair and intelligible grounds. But it is notorious, that that is not the case; and that on this, the first day of the first session of a new parliament, no attempt whatever has been made to pledge beforehand those who may concur in the Address to the support of any measures which his Majesty's ministers may think it their duty to propose or advocate. There really never was a Speech from the Throne which, in compliance with the modern usage to which I have been adverting, less distinctly called for any such pledge, than the Speech which is now under our consideration. The truth is, Sir, that parliament has been assembled at the present season, which, especially since the Union, is undoubtedly a very inconvenient period of the year, not for the purpose of precipitating any of those important discussions which require the fullest attendance and the most patient deliberation, but because, in defence of the laws and of the constitution of the country, it has been thought right to call parliament together to provide an indemnity for his Majesty's government, in consequence of the measure by which, although under what appeared to them to be a great and urgent necessity, they violated those laws, and that constitution. It is true, Sir, that, without offering any very great insult to the laws or to the constitution, and that, without any very extravagant stretch of the royal prerogative, the meeting of parliament might, perhaps, in the present instance, have been deferred. But, although his Majesty's ministers felt that the postponement might, in this case, have taken place without any great impropriety, they also felt that the precedent of postponement might be mischievous. Although they felt as sure of the approbation of parliament for the step which they took, as men can be who are conscious that they only did that to which they were prompted by an over-ruling necessity, they also felt that they should have been wanting in duty to the king, and in respect to the constitution, if they did not advise his Majesty to summon parliament expressly for the purpose of passing judgment on the extent of the necessity to which they submitted, and on the soundness of the discretion which they had exercised. On this subject, Sir, much as I have reason, in common with the House at large, to admire the speech of the hon. seconder of the Address, and much as I have reason to be personally thankful to the hon. gentleman for many of the sentiments which he so ably expressed, I cannot say that I shall be disposed to claim the approbation of the House, precisely on the grounds stated by my hon. friend. I am very far from thinking that that is the best possible state of the law on this important question, which requires this occasional and irregular interposition of his Majesty's government. I am the last man in this House to argue, that such a condition of the law is desirable; for it may be remembered, that among the motives which were urged by me, towards the conclusion of the last session of parliament, to induce the House to agree to the bill for the introduction of bonded corn, was the expediency of diminishing, as much as possible, the necessity for the exercise of any discretion on the subject, on the part of his Majesty's government. The object, therefore, which we have in view in the proposed bill of Indemnity is not to elicit the approbation of parliament of any general measure, but to obtain a particular sanction for a particular measure, arising from an evident and unavoidable necessity. If, however, the hon. and learned gentleman complains, that his Majesty's Speech does not contain any direct intimation of the course which it is his Majesty's ministers' intention to pursue, with respect to a subject which at present agitates the feeling of so large a portion of the community, he will perhaps be satisfied when I assure him and the House, that at a very early period after our next meeting, I shall be prepared, on the part of his Majesty's government, to propose such measures with regard to the Cornlaws, as in their opinion will be beneficial to the country, and conciliatory towards all the great interests involved in the determination of the question [hear, hear !]. At least, Sir, it shall be shown, that his Majesty's ministers have no disposition to shrink from the subject; and I again pledge myself as the organ of his Majesty's government, that many weeks shall not elapse after our meeting again, before I bring it under the consideration of the House. Such being the case, I trust that I shall not be considered as saying any thing disrespectful to the House, when I declare, that I will not be provoked into any premature or partial discussion of a question, which demands the most full and deliberate consideration. The hon. and learned gentleman has said, that the hon. seconder of the Address, in adverting to that passage of the king's Speech which declares, that "the Estimates for the ensuing year shall be formed with as much attention to economy as the exigencies of the public service will admit," appeared to entertain an alarm, that the economy alluded to would be excessive, while, on the other hand, he himself was exceedingly apprehensive that it would fall infinitely short of what was requisite. Really, Sir, we ought to feel some satisfaction at having framed a paragraph with such skill as to excite opinions so contradictory [a laugh]. The hon. and learned gentleman, however, says that it is an indefinite expression. Indefinite it necessarily must be, unless it had been practicable to introduce details; but I do assure the hon. and learned gentleman, that the most extravagant construction which his powerful imagination can put on the apprehension of the hon. seconder of the Address is not more extravagant than the antagonist apprehension which the hon. and learned gentleman himself professes to entertain. The hon. and learned gentleman appears to have "some monster in his thoughts," the nature of which it is impossible for me to conjecture. All I can say is, that there is nothing in the contemplation of his Majesty's ministers which can justify the hon. and learned gentleman's alarm at that, whatever it may be, for which, having no place in his Majesty's Speech, the hon. and learned gentleman imagines a place elsewhere. [Mr. Brougham said something across the table, which we were unable to hear]. Then really, Sir, the hon. and learned gentleman has thrown a great deal of very good intonation away [a laugh]. I should be glad to know on what terms his Majesty's government could secure themselves from the imputation of criminal expense, on the part of the hon. and learned gentleman. I grant, Sir, that if the hon. and learned gentleman thinks we ought, on the spur of a temporary pressure, to cut down and change all the existing establishments of the country,-I grant that, if that is the hon. and learned gentleman's project, no such thing is in our intention; nor I am sure would any such proceeding receive the sanction of this House, nor of the people at large, whom it professed to benefit. The hon. and learned gentleman thinks that the best accompaniment and consolation to a suffering people is the suspension of all public buildings. I am of a contrary opinion. I think that a prosecution of public works must be available to their relief. To me it appears that, if people want bread, it is a strange remedy for their distress, to suspend the employment by which alone they can procure it. While the character of the country remains what it is, the de |
