put it

government. The main question, how- | Portugal had given birth and nurture? ever, is this-Was it obligatory upon us What petty quibbling would it be to say, to comply with that requisition? In that an invasion of Portugal from Spain other words, had the casus fœderis arisen? was not a Spanish invasion, because In our opinion it had. Bands of Portu- Spain did not employ her own troops, but guese rebels, armed, equipped, and trained hired mercenaries to effect her purpose? in Spain, had crossed the Spanish frontier, and what difference is it, except as aggracarrying terror and devastation into their vation, that the mercenaries in this own country, and proclaiming sometimes instance were natives of Portugal. the brother of the reigning sovereign of I have already stated, and I now repeat, Portugal, sometimes a Spanish princess, that it never has been the wish or the and sometimes even Ferdinand of Spain, pretension of the British government to as the rightful occupant of the Portuguese interfere in the internal concerns of the throne. These rebels crossed the frontier, Portuguese nation. Questions of that not at one point only, but at several kind the Portuguese_nation must settle points for it is remarkable, that the among themselves. But if we were to aggression on which the original applica- admit that hordes of traitorous refugees tion to Great Britain for succour was from Portugal with Spanish arms-or founded is not the aggression with refer- arms furnished or restored to them by ence to which that application has been Spanish authorities-in their hands, might complied with. The attack announced put off their country for one purpose, by the French newspapers was on the and put it on again for another north of Portugal, in the province of off for the purpose of attack, and put it Tras-os-Montes; an official account of on again for the purpose of impunity which has been received by his majesty's if, I say, we were to admit this government only this day. But on Friday juggle, and either pretend to be deceived an account was received of an invasion in the south of Portugal, and of the capture of Villa Viciosa, a town lying on the road from the southern frontier to Lisbon. This new fact established, even more satisfactorily than a mere confirmation of the attack first complained of would have done, the systematic nature of the aggression from Spain against Portugal. One hostile irruption might have been made by some single corps escaping from their quarters-by some body of stragglers, who might have evaded the vigilance of Spanish authorities; and one such accidental and unconnected act of violence might not have been conclusive evidence of cognizance and design on the part of those authorities. But when a series of attacks are made along the whole line of a frontier, it is difficult to deny that such multiplied instances of hostility are evidence of concerted aggression.

If a single company of Spanish soldiers had crossed the frontier in hostile array, there could not, it is presumed, be a doubt as to the character of that invasion. Shall bodies of men, armed, clothed, and regimented by Spain, carry fire and sword into the bosom of her unoffending neighbour, and shall it be pretended that no attack, no invasion has taken place, because forsooth, these outrages are committed against Portugal by men to whom

by it ourselves, or attempt to deceive Portugal into a belief that there was nothing of external attack, nothing of foreign hostility, in such a system of aggression-such pretence and attempt. would perhaps be only ridiculous and contemptible; if they did not acquire a much more serious character from being employed as an excuse for infidelity to ancient friendship, and as a pretext for getting rid of the positive stipulations of treaties.

This, then, is the case which I lay before the House of Commons. Here is, on the one hand, an undoubted undoubted pledge of national faith-not taken in a cornernot kept secret between the parties--but publicly recorded amongst the annals of history, in the face of the world. Here are, on the other hand, undeniable acts of foreign aggression, perpetrated, indeed, principally through the instrumentality of domestic traitors; but supported with foreign means, instigated by foreign councils, and directed to foreign ends. Putting these facts, and this pledge together, it is impossible that his majesty should refuse the call that has been made upon him; nor can parliament, I am convinced, refuse to enable his majesty to fulfil his undoubted obligations. I am willing to rest the whole question of to-night, and to call for the vote of the

House of Commons upon this simple case; | divested altogether of collateral circumstances; from which I especially wish to separate it, in the minds of those who hear me, and also in the minds of others, to whom what I now say will find its way. If I were to sit down this moment, without adding another word, I have no doubt but that I should have the concurrence of the House in the Address which I mean to propose.

Braganza. It is known also that Great Britain undertook a mediation between Portugal and Brazil, and induced the king to consent to a separation of the two Crowns-confirming that of Brazil on the head of his eldest son. The ink with which this agreement was written was scarcely dry, when the unexpected death of the king of Portugal produced a new state of things, which re-united on the same head the two Crowns which it had When I state this, it will be obvious to been the policy of England, as well as of the House, that the vote for which I am Portugal, and of Brazil to separate. On about to call upon them, is a vote for the that occasion, Great Britain, and another defence of Portugal, not a vote for war European court, closely connected with against Spain. I beg the House to keep Brazil, tendered advice to the emperor of these two points entirely distinct in their Brazil, now become king of Portugal; consideration. For the former I think I which advice it cannot be accurately said have said enough, If, in what I have now that his imperial majesty followed-befurther to say, I should bear hard upon the cause he had decided for himself before it Spanish government; I beg that it may be reached Rio de Janeiro; but in conformity observed, that unjustifiable as I shall with which advice, though not in conseshow their conduct to have been con-quence of it, his imperial majesty detertrary to the law of nations, contrary to mined to abdicate the Crown of Portugal the law of good neighbourhood, con- in favour of his eldest daughter. But the trary, I might say, to the laws of God emperor of Brazil had done more. What and man with respect to Portugal-had not been foreseen-what would have still I do not mean to preclude a locus been beyond the province of any foreign pænitentiæ, a possibility of redress and power to advise-his imperial majesty had reparation. It is our duty to fly to the accompanied his abdication of the Crown defence of Portugal-be the assailant who of Portugal with the grant of a free conhe may. And, be it remembered, that, in stitutional charter to that kingdom. thus fulfilling the stipulations of ancient It has been surmised that this measure, as treaties, of the existence and obligation of well as the abdication which it accompanied, which all the world are aware, we, accord- was the offspring of our advice. No such ing to the universally admitted con- thing: Great Britain did not suggest this struction of the law of nations, neither measure. It is not her duty nor her pracmake war upon that assailant, nor give to tice to offer suggestions for the internal that assailant, much less to any other regulation of foreign states. She neither power, just cause of war against ourselves. approved nor disapproved of the grant of Sir, the present situation of Portugal is a constitutional charter to Portugal: her so anomalous, and the recent years of her opinion upon that grant was never rehistory are crowded with events so quired. True it is, that the instrument of unusual, that the House will, perhaps, not the constitutional charter was brought to think that I am unprofitably wasting its Europe by a gentleman of high trust in time, if I take the liberty of calling its the service of the British government. Sir attention shortly and succinctly to those C. Stuart had gone to Brazil to negociate events, and to their influence on the the separation between that country and political relations of Europe. It is known Portugal. In addition to his character of that the consequence of the residence of plenipotentiary of Great Britain, as the the king of Portugal in Brazil, was to raise mediating power, he had also been inthe latter country from a colonial to a vested by the king of Portugal with the metropolitan condition; and that from the character of his most faithful majesty's time when the king began to contemplate plenipotentiary for the negotiation with his return to Portugal, there grew up in Brazil. That negotiation had been brought Brazil a desire of independence that to a happy conclusion; and therewith the threatened dissension, if not something British part of sir C. Stuart's commission like civil contest between the European had terminated. But sir C. Stuart was and American dominions of the House of still resident at Rio de Janeiro, as the

plenipotentiary of the king of Portugal, for negociating commercial arrangements between Portugal and Brazil. In this latter character it was, that sir C. Stuart, on his return to Europe, was requested by the emperor of Brazil to be the bearer to Portugal of the new constitutional charter. His majesty's government found no fault with sir C. Stuart for executing this commission; but it was immediately felt, that if sir C. Stuart were allowed to remain at Lisbon, it might appear, in the eyes of Europe, that England was the contriver and imposer of the Portuguese constitution. Sir C. Stuart was, therefore, directed to return home forthwith, in order that the constitution, if carried into effect there, might plainly appear to be adopted by the Portuguese nation itself, not forced upon them by English interference.

congeniality to the wants and wishes of the nation. It is no business of ours to fight its battles. We go to Portugal in the discharge of a sacred obligation, contracted under ancient and modern treaties. When there, nothing shall be done by us to enforce the establishment of the constitution;-but we must take care that nothing shall be done by others to prevent it from being fairly carried into effect. Internally, let the Portuguese settle their own affairs; but with respect to external force, while Great Britain has an arm to raise, it must be raised against the efforts of any power that should attempt forcibly to control the choice, and fetter the independence of Portugal.

Has such been the intention of Spain? Whether the proceedings which have lately been practised or permitted in Spain were acts of a government exercising the usual power of prudence and foresight (without which a government is, for the good of the people which live under it, no government at all), or whether they were the acts of some secret illegitimate

As to the merits, Sir, of the new constitution of Portugal, I have neither the intention, nor the right, to offer any opinion. Personally, I may have formed one, but as an English minister, all I have to say is," May God prosper this at-power-of some furious fanatical faction, tempt at the establishment of constitutional liberty in Portugal! and may that nation be found as fit to enjoy and to cherish its new-born privileges, as it has often proved itself capable of discharging its duties amongst the nations of the world."

I, Sir, am neither the champion nor the critic of the Portuguese constitution. But it is admitted on all hands to have proceeded from a legitimate source-a consideration which has mainly reconciled continental Europe to its establishment: and to us, as Englishmen, it is recommended, by the ready acceptance which it has met with from all orders of the Portuguese people. To that constitution, therefore, thus unquestioned in its origin, even by those who are most jealous of new institutions, to that constitution, thus sanctioned in its outset by the glad and grateful acclamations of those who are destined to live under it, to that constitution, founded on principles in a great degree similar to those of our own, though differently modified,-it is impossible that Englishmen should not wish well. But it would not be for us to force that constitution on the people of Portugal, if they were unwilling to receive it, or if any schism should exist amongst the Portuguese themselves, as to its fitness and

over-riding the counsels of the ostensible government, defying it in the capital, and disobeying it on the frontiers-I will not stop to inquire. It is indifferent to Portugal, smarting under her wrongs, it is indifferent to England, who is called upon to avenge them,-whether the present state of things be the result of the intrigues of a faction, over which, if the Spanish government has no control, it ought to assume one as soon as possible, --or of local authorities over whom it has control, and for whose acts it must, therefore, be held responsible. It matters not, I say, from which of these sources the evil has arisen. In either case, Portugal must be protected; and from England that protection is due.

It would be unjust, however, to the Spanish government, to say, that it is only amongst the members of that government that an unconquerable hatred of liberal institutions exists in Spain. However incredible the phenomenon may appear in this country, I am persuaded that a vast majority of the Spanish nation entertain a decided attachment to arbitrary power, and a predilection for absolute government. The more liberal institutions of countries in their neighbourhood have not yet extended their influence into Spain, nor awakened any sympathy in the mass

the Portuguese army into Spain, and some desertions took place from the Spanish army into Portugal. In the first instance, the Portuguese authorities were taken by surprise; but, in every subsequent instance, where they had an opportunity of exercising a discretion, it is but just to say, that they uniformly discouraged the

of the Spanish people. Whether the public authorities of Spain did or did not partake of the national sentiment, there would almost necessarily grow up between Portugal and Spain, under present circumstances, an opposition of feelings, which it would not require the authority or the suggestions of the government to excite and stimulate into action. With-desertions of the Spanish soldiery. There out blame, therefore, to the government exist between Spain and Portugal specific of Spain-out of the natural antipathy treaties, stipulating the mutual surrender between the two neighbouring nations of deserters. Portugal had, therefore, a the one prizing its recent freedom, the right to claim of Spain that every Portuother hugging its traditionary servitude-guese deserter should be forthwith sent there might arise mutual provocations, and reciprocal injuries which, perhaps, even the most active and vigilant ministry could not altogether restrain. I am inclined to believe that such has been, in part at least the origin of the differences between Spain and Portugal. That in their progress they have been adopted, matured, methodized, combined, and brought into more perfect action, by some authority more united and more efficient than the mere feeling disseminated through the mass of the community, is certain; but I do believe their origin to have been as much in the real sentiment of the Spanish population, as in the opinion or contrivance of the government itself.

back. I hardly know whether from its own impulse, or in consequence of our advice, the Portuguese government waved its right under those treaties; very wisely reflecting, that it would be highly inconvenient to be placed by the return of their deserters, in the difficult alternative of either granting a dangerous amnesty, or ordering numerous executions. The Portuguese government, therefore, signified to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied if, instead of surrendering the deserters, Spain would restore their arms, horses, and equipments; and, separating the men from their officers, would remove both from the frontiers into the interior of Spain. Solemn engagements were entered into by the Spanish government to this effect-first with Portugal, next with

Those engagements, concluded one day, were violated the next. The deserters, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were allowed to remain congregated together near the frontiers of Portugal; where they were enrolled, trained, and disciplined, for the expedition which they have since undertaken. It is plain that in these proceedings, there was perfidy somewhere. It rests with the Spanish government to show, that it was not with them. It rests with the Spanish government to prove, that if its engagements have not been fulfilled-if its intentions have been eluded and unexecuted, the fault has not been with the government ; and that it is ready to make every reparation in its power.

Whether this be or be not the case, is precisely the question between us and Spain. If, though partaking in the gene-France, and afterwards with England. ral feelings of the Spanish nation, the Spanish government has, nevertheless, done nothing to embody those feelings, and to direct them hostilely against Portugal; if all that has occurred on the frontiers, has occurred only because the vigilance of the Spanish government has been surprised, its confidence betrayed, and its orders neglected-if its engagements have been repeatedly and shamefully violated, not by its own good will, but against its recommendation and desire -let us see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs of repentance, some measures indicative of sorrow for the past, and of sincerity for the future. In that case his majesty's message, to which I propose this night to return an answer of concurrence, will retain the character which I have ascribed to it,-that of a measure of defence for Portugal, not a measure of resentment against Spain.

With these explanations and qualifications, let us now proceed in the review of facts. Great desertions took place from

I have said that these promises were made to France and to Great Britain, as well as to Portugal. I should do a great injustice to France if I were not to add, that the representations of that government upon this point, with the cabinet of Madrid, have been as urgent, and, alas!

ás fruitless, as those of Great Britain. | balance, the preservation of which, I beUpon the first irruption into the Portu- lieved to be essential to the welfare of guese territory, the French government mankind. I then said, that I feared that testified its displeasure by instantly re- the next war which should be kindled in calling its ambassador; and it further Europe, would be a war not so much of directed its chargé d'affaires to signify to armies, as of opinions. Not four years his Catholic majesty, that Spain was not have elapsed, and behold my apprehento look for any support from France sion realized! It is, to be sure, within against the consequences of this aggression narrow limits that this war of opinion is upon Portugal. I am bound, I repeat, in at present confined: but it is a war of ustice to the French government, to state, opinion, that Spain (whether as governthat it has exerted itself to the utmost, in ment or as nation) is now waging against urging Spain to retrace the steps which Portugal; it is a war which has comshe has so unfortunately taken. It is not menced in hatred of the new institutions for me to say whether any more efficient of Portugal. How long is it reasonable to course might have been adopted to give expect that Portugal will abstain from effect to their exhortations: but as to the retaliation? If into that war this country sincerity and good faith of the exertions shall be compelled to enter, we shall enter made by the government of France, to into it with a sincere and anxious desire press Spain to the execution of her en- to mitigate rather than exasperate, and gagements, I have not the shadow of a to mingle only in the conflict of arms, not doubt and I confidently reckon upon in the more fatal conflict of opinions. But their continuance. I much fear that this country (however earnestly she may endeavour to avoid it), could not, in such case, avoid seeing ranked under her banners all the restless and dissatisfied of any nation with which she might come in conflict. It is the contemplation of this new power in any future war, which excites my most anxious apprehension. It is one thing to have a giant's strength, but it would be another to use it like a giant. The consciousness of such strength is, undoubtedly, a source of confidence and security; but in the situation in which this country stands, our business is not to seek opportunities of displaying it, but to content ourselves with letting the professors of violent and exaggerated doctrines on both sides feel, that it is not their interest to convert an umpire into an adversary. The situation of England, amidst the struggle of political opinions which agitates more or less sensibly different countries of the world, may be compared to that of the ruler of the winds, as described by the poet :

It will be for Spain, upon knowledge of the step now taken by his majesty, to consider in what way she will meet it. The earnest hope and wish of his majesty's government is, that she may meet it in such a manner as to avert any ill consequences to herself, from the measure into which we have been driven by the unjust attack upon Portugal.

Sir, I set out with saying, that there were reasons which entirely satisfied my judgment that nothing short of a point of national faith or national honour, would justify at the present moment, any voluntary approximation to the possibility of war. Let me be understood, however, distinctly, as not meaning to say that I dread war in a good cause (and in no other may it be the lot of this country ever to engage!), from a distrust of the strength of the country to commence it, or of her rescurces to maintain it. I dread it, indeed, but upon far other grounds; I dread it from an apprehension of the tremendous consequences which might arise from any hostilities in which we might now be engaged. Some years ago, in the discussion of the negotiations respecting the French war against Spain, I took the liberty of adverting to this topic. I then stated that the position of this country in the present state of the world was one of neutrality, not only between contending nations, but between conflicting principles; and that it was by neutrality alone that we could maintain that

"Celsâ sedet Æolus arce,

Sceptra tenens; mollitque animos et temperat iras; Ni faciat, maria ac terras cælumque profundum Quippe ferant rapidi secum, verrantque per auras." The consequence of letting loose the passions, at present chained and confined, would be to produce a scene of desolation which no man can contemplate without horror; and I should not sleep easy on my couch, if I were conscious that I had contributed to precipitate it by a single moment.