expressing his approbation of the measures which had been adopted, and of the address which had been moved. He trusted there was no reason to doubt that every effort had been made to warn Spain of the danger of the course she was pursuing. He joined in the hope expressed by the noble duke; but he confessed it was rather a hope than a belief, that the ag

cussion had emanated, not from the monarch and the government of Spain, but from a faction which was unhappily too powerful in that country. But, whether it emanated from that monarch, or from persons who unfortunately were able to govern the resources of the country, it mattered not; the principle was odious, and must be resisted; and, therefore, unless the progress of the outrage should be immediately arrested, and no danger existed of further encroachment, he had no difficulty in expressing a hope that the mea

dial support of both Houses of parliament. For his own part, he was prepared to vote for the Address, and to pledge his support hereafter to any measures which might be necessary to give effect to the policy on which this country had hitherto acted, and was bound still to act.

would have been the worst policy that could have been adopted-the worst policy, not only towards the government of that country which appeared to have been the aggressor, but, he would add, the worst policy towards that other country, which, he was glad to learn, was combined with us in the design of preventing the further progress of the outrage which had been committed on our ally. Hegression which was the cause of this diswas sure, however, that the interference of the latter government for that purpose would not be less effectually made, nor less sincerely urged, when they should be convinced that it was the determination of this country to support by arms the just and sound principles of policy on which our treaties had been made. It might also be expedient to suggest to that country, if the necessity should arise, that it was consistent with common sense and common justice to adopt measures which should, for the future, compel Spain, at her peril, to respect the rights, and to re-sures of the government would have the corfrain from attacking the independence of her neighbour. He had no doubt that the casus fœderis had arisen, and that upon the faith of treaties his majesty's government were compelled to adopt the measures which they had entered upon; but he would go further, and say, that upon principles of policy alone, this country ought to interfere for the defence of Portugal-not merely for the purpose of checking the attack which was now made on it, but also for the purpose of arresting at this point that attempt at interfering with the independence of nations, which, if permitted by a monarch so feeble as that by whom it was now made, could not fail to lead to courses ruinous to the interests and institutions of every free country. For these reasons, he repeated, it had become the duty of this country to Mr. Speaker; in proposing to the resist the present outrage of Spain on House of Commons to acknowledge, by Portugal-not less for the protection of an humble and dutiful Address, his her own interests, than for that of the Majesty's inost gracious Message, and to rights and interests of all nations. He reply to it in terms which will be, in was prepared, then, to say, that the cir-effect, an echo of the sentiments, and a cumstances required the government of fulfilment of the anticipations of that this country to use, as they had resolved Message, I feel that, however confident I to do, the military resources of the coun-may be in the justice, and however clear try, even if they had not been bound to as to the policy of the measures therein do so by the faith of treaties entered into announced, it becomes me as a British long ago, and repeatedly and solemnly minister, recommending to parliament any renewed. He was convinced that it was step which may approximate this country incumbent on the government to take and pursue a decisive course; and feeling this, it was impossible for him to refrain from J. Ridgway, Piccadilly.

The Address was agreed to, nem. diss.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, December 12.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S MESSAGE RESPECTING PORTUGAL.] Mr. Secretary Canning moved the order of the day, for taking into consideration His Majesty's Message. The Message having been read, Mr. Secretary Canning rose and addressed the House as follows:*

* From the original edition, printed for

Alliance concluded at Rio de Janeiro, on | happy conclusion of the war, the option the 19th of February, 1810, being founded was afforded to the king of Portugal of on circumstances of a temporary nature, returning to his European dominions. It which have happily ceased to exist, the was then felt, that, as the necessity of his said Treaty is hereby declared to be void most faithful majesty's absence from Porin all its parts, and of no effect; without tugal had ceased, the ground of the obliprejudice, however, to the ancient Treaties gation originally contracted in the secret of alliance, friendship, and guarantee, convention of 1807, and afterwards transwhich have so long and so happily subsist-ferred to the patent treaty of 1810, was ed between the two Crowns, and which removed. The treaty of 1810 was thereare hereby renewed by the High Contract- fore annulled at the congress of Vienna; ing Parties, and acknowledged to be of and in lieu of the stipulation not to acfull force and effect." knowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the House of Braganza, was substituted that which I have

Annulling the treaty of 1810, the treaty of Vienna renews and confirms (as the House will have seen) all former treaties between Great Britain and Portugal; describing them as "ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guarantee;" as having "long and happily subsisted between the two Crowns;" and as being allowed, by the two high contracting parties, to remain" in full force and effect."

In order to appreciate the force of this stipulation-recent in point of time, recent also in the sanction of parliament-just read to the House. the House will perhaps allow me to explain shortly the circumstances in reference to which it was contracted. In the year 1807, when, upon the declaration of Buonaparte-that the House of Braganza had ceased to reign-the king of Portugal, by the advice of Great Britain, was induced to set sail for the Brazils; almost at the very moment of his most faithful majesty's embarkation, a secret convention was signed between his majesty and the king of Portugal, stipulating that, in the event of his most faithful majesty's establishing the seat of his government in Brazil, Great Britain would never acknowledge any other dynasty than that of the House of Braganza on the throne of Portugal. That convention, I say, was contemporaneous with the migration to the Brazils; a step of great importance at the time, as removing from the grasp of Buonaparte the sovereign family of Braganza. Afterwards, in the year 1810, when the seat of the king of Portugal's government was established at Rio de Janeiro, and when it seemed probable, in the then apparently hopeless condition of the affairs of Europe, that it was likely long to continue there, the secret convention of 1807, of which the main object was accomplished by the fact of the emi-held Great Britain to the discharge of the gration to Brazil, was abrogated; and a new and public treaty was concluded, into which was transferred the stipulation of the convention of 1807, binding Great Britain, so long as his faithful majesty should be compelled to reside in Brazil, not to acknowledge any other sovereign of Portugal than a member of the House of Braganza. That stipulation which had hitherto been secret, thus became patent, and part of the known law of nations.

In the year 1814, in consequence of the
VOL. XVI.

What then is the force-what is the effect of those ancient treaties?—I am prepared to show to the House what it is. But before I do so, I must say, that if all the treaties to which this article of the treaty of Vienna refers, had perished by some convulsion of nature, or had, by some extraordinary accident, been consigned to total oblivion, still it would be impossible not to admit, as an incontestable inference from this article of the treaty of Vienna alone, that in a moral point of view, there is incumbent on Great Britain, a decided obligation to act as the effectual defender of Portugal. If I could not shew the letter of a single antecedent stipulation, I should still contend that a solemn admission, only ten years old, of the existence at that time of "Treaties of Alliance, Friendship, and Guarantee,"

obligations which that very description
implies. But fortunately there is no such
difficulty in specifying the nature of those
obligations. All the preceding treaties
exist; all of them are of easy reference;
all of them are known to this country, to
Spain, to every nation of the civilized
world. They are so numerous, and their
general result is so uniform, that it may
be sufficient to select only two of them to
show the nature of all.

The first to which I shall advert is the
N

and pay, as well when in quarters as in action; and the said high allies shall be obliged to keep that number of men complete, by recruiting it from time to time at their own expense."

1

treaty of 1661, which was concluded at the time of the marriage of Charles the second with the Infanta of Portugal. After reciting the marriage, and making over to Great Britain, in consequence of that marriage, first a considerable sum of I am aware, indeed, that with respect money, and secondly, several important to either of the treaties which I have places; some of which, as Tangier, we no quoted, it is possible to raise a questionlonger possess; but others of which, as whether variation of circumstances or Bombay, still belong to this country-change of times may not have somewhat the treaty runs thus:-"In consideration relaxed its obligations. The treaty of of all which grants, so much to the benefit 1661, it might be said, was so loose and of the king of Great Britain, and his sub-prodigal in the wording; it is so unreasonjects in general, and of the delivery of able, so wholly out of nature, that any one those important places to his said majesty, country should be expected to defend and his heirs for ever, &c. the king of another, "even as itself;" such stipulaGreat Britain does profess and declare, tions are of so exaggerated a character as with the consent and advice of his coun- to resemble effusions of feeling rather cil, that he will take the interest of Por- than enunciations of deliberate compact. tugal and all its dominions to heart, de- Again, with respect to the treaty of 1703, fending the same with his utmost power, if the case rested on that treaty alone, by sea and land, even as England itself;" a question might be raised, whether or and it then proceeds to specify the suc-not, when one of the contracting parties cours to be sent, and the manner of send-Holland-had since so changed her ing them. I come next to the treaty of relations with Portugal, as to consider her 1703; a treaty of alliance contemporane- obligations under the treaty of 1703 as ous with the Methuen treaty which has obsolete whether or not, I say, under regulated for upwards of a century the such circumstances, the obligation on the commercial relations of the two countries. remaining party be not likewise void. I The treaty of 1703 was a tripartite en- should not hesitate to answer both these gagement between the States-general of objections in the negative. But, without Holland, England, and Portugal. The entering into such a controversy, it is second article of that treaty sets forth, sufficient for me to say, that the time and "that if ever it shall happen that the kings place for taking such objections was at the of Spain and France, either the present or Congress at Vienna. Then and there it the future, that both of them together, or was, that if you indeed considered these either of them separately, shall make war, treaties as obsolete, you ought. frankly or give occasion to suspect that they in- and fearlessly to have declared them to be tend to make war upon the kingdom of so. But then and there, with your eyes Portugal, either on the continent of Eu- open, and in the face of all modern rope, or on its dominions beyond seas; Europe, you proclaimed anew the ancient her majesty the queen of Great Britain treaties of alliance, friendship, and guaranand the lords the States-general, shall use tee, "so long subsisting between the their friendly offices with the said kings, Crowns of Great Britain and Portugal," or either of them, in order to persuade as still " acknowledged by Great Britain," them to observe the terms of peace towards and still "of full force and effect." It is Portugal, and not to make war upon it." not, however, on specific articles alone-it The third article declares, that, in the is not so much, perhaps, on either of these event of these "good offices not proving ancient treaties, taken separately as it is successful, but altogether ineffectual, so on the spirit and understanding of the that war should be made by the aforesaid whole body of treaties, of which the kings or by either of them, upon Portu-essence is concentrated and preserved in gal, the above-mentioned powers of Great Britain and Holland, shall make war with all their force, upon the foresaid kings or king who shall carry hostile arms into Portugal; and towards that war which shall be carried on in Europe, they shall supply 12,000 men, whom they shall arm

the Treaty of Vienna, that we acknowledge in Portugal a right to look to Great Britain as her ally and defender.

This, Sir, being the state, morally and politically, of our obligations towards Portugal, it is obvious, that when Portugal, in apprehension of the coming storm, called

on Great Britain for assistance, the only hesitation on our part could be not whether that assistance was due, supposing the occasion for demanding it to arise-but simply whether that occasion-in other words, whether the casus fœderis-had arisen.

But there was another reason which induced a necessary caution. In former instances, when Portugal applied to this country for assistance, the whole power of the state in Portugal was vested in the person of the monarch. The expression I understand, indeed, that in some of his wish, the manifestation of his dequarters it has been imputed to his ma- sire, the putting forth of his claim, was jesty's ministers, that an extraordinary sufficient ground for immediate and dedelay intervened between the taking of cisive action on the part of Great Britain the determination to give assistance to supposing the casus fœderis to be made Portugal, and the carrying of that deter- out. But, on this occasion, inquiry was, mination into effect. But how stands the in the first place, to be made, whether, fact? On Sunday, the 3rd of this month, according to the new constitution of Porwe received from the Portuguese ambas-tugal, the call upon Great Britain was sador a direct and formal demand of made with the consent of all the powers assistance against a hostile aggression and authorities competent to make it; so from Spain. Our answer was-that al- as to carry with it an assurance of that though rumours had reached us through reception in Portugal for our army which France, his majesty's government had not the army of a friend and ally had a right that accurate information-that official to expect. Before a British soldier should and precise intelligence of facts-on which put his foot on Portuguese ground, nay, they could properly found an application before he should leave the shores of Engto parliament. It was only on last Friday land, it was our duty to ascertain that the night that this precise information arrived. step taken by the regency of Portugal was On Saturday his majesty's confidential taken with the cordial concurrence of the servants came to a decision. On Sunday legislature of that country. It was but that decision received the sanction of his this morning that we received intelligence majesty. On Monday it was communi- of the proceedings of the Chambers at cated to both Houses of parliament--and Lisbon, which establishes the fact of such this day, Sir-at the hour in which I have concurrence. This intelligence is conthe honour of addressing you the troops tained in a despatch from sir W. A'Court, are on their march for embarkation. dated 29th of November, of which I will I trust then, Sir, that no unseemly de-read an extract to the House. "The day lay is imputable to government. But, undoubtedly, on the other hand, when the claim of Portugal for assistance-a claim, clear indeed in justice, but at the same time fearfully spreading in its possible consequences, came before us, it was the duty of his majesty's government to do nothing on hearsay. The eventual force of the claim was admitted; but a thorough knowledge of facts was necessary before the compliance with that claim could be granted. The government here laboured under some disadvantage. The rumours which reached us through Madrid were obviously distorted, to answer partial political purposes; and the intelligence through the press of France, though substantially correct, was, in particulars, vague and contradictory. A measure of grave and serious moment could never be founded on such authority; nor could the ministers come down to parliament until they had a confident assurance that the case which they had to lay before the legislature was true in all its parts.

after the news arrived of the entry of the rebels into Portugal, the ministers demanded from the Chambers an extension of power for the executive government; and the permission to apply for foreign succours, in virtue of ancient treaties, in the event of their being deemed necessary. The deputies gave the requisite authority by acclamation; and an equally good spirit was manifested by the peers, who granted every power that the ministers could possibly require. They went even further, and rising in a body from their seats, declared their devotion to their country, and their readiness to give their personal services, if necessary, to repel any hostile invasion. The duke de Cadaval, president of the Chamber, was the first to make this declaration: and the minister who described this proceeding to me said, it was a movement worthy of the good days of Portugal!"

I have thus incidentally disposed of the supposed imputation of delay in comply ing with the requisition of the Portuguese