July the prices were rapidly rising. About for a supply of food for the great mass the middle of June, when the price ought of the people. During the whole of his to be at the highest, as the old stock would experience, never did the country appear at that time be nearly exhausted, the in a situation more alarming. To add to average price was 22s. 11d. On the 4th the grounds of apprehension, the hay crop, of August, taking the average of the whole in the richest parts of England, was in a kingdom, it had risen to 27s. 3d., and had condition to call forth fears of the utmost considerably exceeded that price in many scarcity, and the fact was, that at the seadistricts. The House were aware that the son of the year in question, such was the two weeks from that date were the only miserable state of vegetation, that it was weeks which were left to be included in absolutely necessary to feed cattle with the general quarterly average. The last green fodder, as in the depth of winter. of those two weeks it had risen 1s. 6d. In such a condition of the country, with above that price, at which, if it were the such prospects, could there be the slightest general average of the quarter, the ports hesitation in taking any step that might would be open for the importation of be requisite for securing to the country a foreign oats. With this information as to supply of the first necessary of existence? the general deficiency of the crop, and the Could his Majesty's ministers, for a single consequent apprehended scarcity, they moment, entertain a doubt that their first waited to see what would be the price in duty was, at whatever risk, to guard the two remaining weeks. In the week against the impending scarcity, by the adending the 18th, the general average price mission of peas, beans, and grain? The was 28s. 2d.; in that ending the 25th, it statements he had made, verified as they was 29s. 4d.; and in the last days of the must have been by the observation of hon. month it rose above 30s. On the 1st of gentlemen, fully warranted him in asserting September it was 30s. 7d., and was con- that had ministers waited till the 15th of tinuing to rise rapidly. The committee November, when by law the ports might would bear in mind, that in several districts have been opened, the consequences would where oatmeal, and not flour, constituted probably have proved most calamitous. a very large proportion of the food of the From the rapid rise of prices before the people, its price rose very much above that first of September, their continued elevawhich had been quoted as the general tion subsequent to that period, the condiaverage. Besides the knowledge of these tion of the crops at home, and the prosfacts, his Majesty's ministers had also the pects of supply from abroad, he had not information, that the crop of oats was in the slightest difficulty in saying, that the general a failure in several foreign countries minister who should hesitate to advise the from which oats were usually imported. admission of foreign grain, would be unKnowing this, and seeing that great worthy equally of the favour of the moscarcity was to be apprehended at home, narch, and of that fair and liberal confinot merely from the deficiency of the oat dence which was reposed in the ministers of crop, but from the general failure of legu- the Crown, while parliament was not sitting. minous productions throughout the country, He put it to the committee, whether it could owing to the great drought which pre- for a moment be thought, that any minister vailed, it became necessary to take steps deserved to be trusted by the Crown, or to obtain a timely supply of food, not supported by parliament, who could for a merely for the cattle, but for that large single instant hesitate to choose between portion of the people who were dependent a breach of the law on the one hand, or on oatmeal for food. But another circum- the risk, nay the certainty, of famine on stance which operated on his Majesty's the other. Having submitted to the comministers was, that the accounts from Lan-mittee these observations, he trusted he cashire and from Ireland were of such an alarming nature, as almost to excite despair; and if the drought had continued, if Providence had not lent its aid by a timely fall of rain, the potatoe crops must have been ruined. In that case, they would have had to fall back on the scanty supply of oats which remained, and must have found themselves in a state of the utmost distress had said enough to justify the measure that had been adopted, so far as it related to removing the prohibition, which would have excluded grain until the 15th of November, and he would have contented himself with having said thus much, had that measure been confined to simple removal; but there was another feature of the case which required notice. He al luded to the duty to be imposed on the grain admitted, or rather, he should say, undertaken to be paid thereon. The advisers of the Crown, on this occasion, had departed as little as possible from the spirit of the existing Corn-laws. They required the parties importing to pay certain duties; that is, the order in council imposed upon the importers the necessity of entering into an engagement to pay a specified duty, provided that duty should be sanctioned by parliament; and, in pursuance thereof, bonds had been entered into. Therefore, the act necessary to be passed on the present occasion, should not merely indemnify the parties who incurred this responsibility, but should, if parliament took the view of the subject which he did, empower the Crown to recover those duties. Honourable gentlemen might differ as to the amount of duty to be imposed. The principles upon which ministers had acted in settling these duties, he would now explain. It was enacted already, that if the price of oats was above 28s. the duty was to be two shillings permanently, and two shillings additional for the first three months. It must be obvious, that the only intention for which the additional duty of two shillings had been imposed for the first three months was, to check the amount imported, lest it should exceed the wants of the country, and thus be injurious to the home-grower. If they had taken a right estimate of the harvest of the year, such a check would have been deemed unnecessary. The whole oat crop had hardly exceeded one half of an average crop. Instead, therefore, of checking the importation of this species of corn, ministers were called upon to give encouragement to the largest importation. On the 8th of September, the average price of the whole kingdom exceeded 30s. a quarter; on the 5th of August it had exceeded 30s. 4d. in not less than six districts. If no foreign corn had been introduced into the country until the 15th of November, the time at which it might have been imported by law, it was impossible to conceive that the price would not have gone on rapidly increasing, until by the 15th of November, the return would have been very considerably above the legal importation price.On the subject of the amount of the duty, he would observe, that he thought it should not have exceeded 2s.; for had 4s. been imposed, there could have been but VOL, XVI, little doubt that the importers would have waited until the 15th of November, and taken their chance of being then able to introduce it at the nominal duty of 4d. per quarter. In confirmation of this, het would observe, that of the quantity imported, 600,000 quarters of wheat, 150,000 were actually overheld, the owners declining to pay the duty of 2s., and rather desiring to take their chance on the 15th of November. In the last week, the prices were 29s. and 30s., in thirteen or fourteen counties out of the twenty-four, from which he had received reports; and these reports, he could inform the committee, were from counties where the great mass of the population were, in a considerable degree, dependent on oats for their food; amongst which might be included Durham, Cumberland, Northumberland, Chester, Gloucester, and Lancashire, and a few others. In Lancashire the price was 35s. ; affording another strong proof of the necessity there was for opening the ports, and of obtaining a supply of that article. Under all these circumstances, he trusted he had made out a case to justify ministers in taking off the prohibition, and in securing the country from the dangers by which it was threatened-dangers, from which, he trusted, the decision of the House would encourage the advisers of the Crown, at all times, to guard the country. What, in addition to the indemnity, he intended to conclude with proposing to the committee was, that the duty specified in the order in council should continue till the 15th February, when the next averages would be struck, and, in the mean time, that corn should be permitted to be introduced on the payment of that duty, as it had been done since the issue of the order in council. When the committee looked at the price of grain generally, and of wheat in particular-when they considered the scarcity of food for cattle, and for the great mass of the population-they would, he was satisfied, concur with him in thinking, that not only had a sound discretion been exercised as to the past, but that a continuation of the system would be highly expedient. He would conclude by moving, "1. That all persons concerned in issuing, or advising the issue, or acting in execution of, an Order of Council of the 1st day of February, 1826, for allowing the importation of certain sorts of foreign corn, shall be indemnified, F "2. That the importation of foreign oats, oatmeal, rye, pease, and beans, be permitted for a time to be limited, on payment of the duties hereinafter mentioned: that is to say, for every quarter of oats 2s.; for every boll of oatmeal 2s. 2d.; for every quarter of rye, pease, and beans, 3s. 6d.; and that all bonds which may have been taken for the payment of such duties shall be duly discharged." Sir E. Knatchbull said, that in looking at the situation in which the country was placed at the period alluded to, his Majesty's ministers were perfectly justified in the course they had adopted. This was his own opinion, and it was also the opinion of many gentlemen with whom he concurred in the general view of the Corn-laws. But, in saying this, he begged not to be understood as meaning to retract any thing he had formerly said with respect to that question. His sentiments remained unaltered on that subject; but he thought the case now before the committee formed no part of that general question. He was ready to admit, that a sufficient case had been made out for the measure adopted by ministers. In expressing that, he believed that he only spoke the feelings of the landed interest. He would go further, and say, that he only spoke their sentiments in declaring, that all the country gentlemen were greatly indebted to ministers for that which they had done. He made this observation, because it was asserted, most unjustly, that the landed interest were the only persons who differed from public opinion upon this most important subject. He knew it was a principle generally admitted among persons concerned in commerce, that, after any unusual depression, they were at liberty to seek for a remuneration of their losses in advanced prices. That was, as he understood, a general principle in trade and manufactures, and it was not at all unfair. But it was not applicable, at all times, to the agricultural interest. That interest had been as depressed as any class in the kingdom, and no good could result from exciting jealousy between them and the manufacturers. The best remedy for the evils of the country was to look them fairly in the face, and not to enter into any recrimination between the different classes of society. When the great question came under consideration, he hoped the House would not be told that landlords were oppressive, and exacted rents that their tenants could not pay. He trusted, that all declamation addressed to the passions of the people would be avoided, and that the question would be discussed without any mixture of prejudice. He did not think this a proper time for entering upon the question of the Corn-laws, and he was glad that ministers had confined themselves to the immediate question before the House. Mr. Whitmore did not rise to oppose the measure now under consideration. He believed it was the only course ministers could have pursued. But it was most desirable, without now attempting to enter on the merits of the great question of the Corn-laws, that an early settlement of it should take place. He could not help pointing out to the House the strange nature of the law by which the corn trade was to have been regulated. They were now deliberating upon the third instance of its infraction within the last three years. Could a heavier censure fall upon any law than that simple fact? They passed a law which suffered repeated infractions from the executive government: they were suddenly convened to consider of the infraction, and they all felt satisfied that the breach of the law was the only safe conduct which government could adopt. The year before last they adopted resolutions in direct contradiction to this law: they did the same last year and now they were assembled to pass an act of indemnity to ministers for breaking through it. He put it to the House, if such a law ought any longer to disgrace the Statute-book. He was prepared to show, at the proper time, that it was not only in hostility to the general prosperity of the country, but that it acted most injuriously on that interest for whose benefit it had been enacted. He concurred with the hon. baronet in hoping, that no recrimination or angry feelings would be allowed to mix themselves up with the consideration of this question. It was one of vast importance to all interests, affecting, as it did, not only the prosperity of the agricultural, but the manufacturing and trading classes. It was likewise a question of great difficulty, which it be came all to approach with calmness; and he trusted, the passions and interests of individuals would not be mixed up in a matter so intimately affecting the universal safety and well-being of the state. With respect to the recent act of ministers, it was one forced on them by circumstances, | This had been a subject upon which the and of which the strongest advocates of press had been incessantly at work for the existing system did not venture to six months, and such was the misrepre complain. sentation to which they had recourse to Colonel Wood wished the hon. gentle-bring down the Corn-law. The arrangeman had followed the example of the hon. ment made by that law went to give the baronet who preceded him, and refrained home-growers a remunerating price, and from any animadversion on the Corn-law. the command of the home-market, while As he had made many allusions to it on enough grain was produced to feed the different occasions, it would have been whole population; and the average price well if the hon. gentleman had taken the had been, during five or six years past, not trouble to ascertain what that law was. 80s., as it had been assumed by the opAmong the various publications which had ponents of that time, but 60s. The price appeared upon it, he had perused one of bread for four or five years past had not which had been put forth by the hon. been complained of nor could it be gentleman. In that pamphlet he found complained of. As to the measure now it asserted, that the principle of the law under consideration, he agreed, that of 1815 was, to cut off all intercourse, as there was not the slightest objection to the to the trade in grain, with foreign coun- step taken by government, in opening the tries; that the trade in corn was rendered, ports on their own responsibility. There was by that law, the exception, and not the one thing which he did not exactly underrule; and that the object of it was, to stand in the statement of the right hon. genscrew up the prices at home to an un- tleman. He did not know, as oats had risen natural elevation. Now, so far was the to 30s. at the time of publishing these ortrade in corn made the rule of the law in ders in council, why the ports had not 1815 so far was it from being made the been opened at once at the duty of 4s. exception, that it was established, that Again, as on the 15th of November, about when the averages were at 63s. and under, the time of striking the averages, the ports the import duty should be 25s., and when had been opened till forty days after above 63s., then the import duty was to the opening of parliament, were they to be only 2s. 6d. He would leave it, then, remain open, as under the operation of to the House to determine, how just had the law in opening them they would have been the assertion of the hon. gentleman, been, till February, the next period for that the object of the law and its effect striking the averages? Upon that question had been to cut off all intercourse in depended another; namely, whether there foreign grain. He begged the committee was any necessity for passing this bill of to look at the three resolutions then pass indemnity now, or whether it could not ed; the first of which declared, that all have been as well done in February? He corn, come from where it would, should deprecated the aggravating attempts of be landed and housed for exportation the press to dissever the manufacturing duty free; and that it should be exported and agricultural interests, and hoped that also duty free. He noticed this to show the House would adopt measures which how necessary it was for those who under- would have the effect of putting a stop to took to write upon any law, first of all to them. understand it. This most valuable regulation they owed to the late Mr. Rose; and the declared object of it was, that whether the country was engaged in war on her own account, or remained neutral in the wars of other countries, there should still be a resource for times of difficulty, in the importation of foreign grain; that the factors of the Baltic might be induced, as it were, to transport their warehouses from Dantzic to our own shores. So much for the design of cutting off all trade in grain. Now, as to the second argument, that of screwing up prices. This was a charge made by the hon. gentleman. Mr. Warburton, member for Bridport, expressed a hope, that the intimation thrown out by the Foreign Secretary of State would be rigidly adhered to, and that any measure relative to an alteration of the Corn-laws would be brought forward in that House without any previous intimation elsewhere; so that every member would come equally unprepared and equally unprejudiced to the discussion of this important subject. Colonel Torrens, member for Ipswich, said, he was aware it was irregular to allude to any discussion which had taken place in that House on a previous occa sion, but he might, perhaps, be allowed to assume that, at another time, no matter when, and in a certain place, no matter where, an hon. gentleman had used expressions something similar to the following: that the traders and manufacturers were seeking to convert themselves into lords and gentlemen, by turning lords and gentlemen, into beggars. Now, if he had heard any such expressions used by any gentleman, he should immediately conclude, that the party so using them deserved to be ranked among the exclusive advocates of the landed interests. For himself, he must object to any attempt to sever the feelings and interests of one class of subjects from those of another. All the great interests were so united and bound together in interests, that they could not elevate one for any length of time but at the expense of the other. He considered the value of land as the true barometer of national opulence. He rejoiced to see that value increased, because it indicated national prosperity. The difference between the agricultural gentlemen and himself was, that he would surround it by a natural and congenial atmosphere of national wealth, while they were anxious occasionally to make the mercury ascend in the scale, and to preserve its precarious elevation by an artificial pressure. If the prices of land should, by these means, be brought so high as to raise the prices of grain and cattle much beyond the level of the European markets, capital would emigrate to more happy climes, and leave the agriculturist to lament over the desolation which he had brought upon himself. It would not be the pulling down alone of the trade and manufactures, but it would resemble the last effort of despairing frenzy, which would drag down the pillars of the temple, and bury itself in the ruins. Mr. Western said, he considered that ministers were justified in the course they had pursued, and that, seeing the temper and feeling of the House, he would not at present enter into the general question of the Corn-laws. Mr. Wodehouse concurred with the last speaker in approving of the conduct of ministers. It was his intention to have gone more at large into the general question of the Corn-laws, but, observing the temper and disposition of the House on the subject, he forbore doing so for the present. Mr. Calcraft thought that ministers could not have acted otherwise than they had done. He would not anticipate the general discussion. He was one of those, who felt great inconvenience at the postponement of the question; yet he could discover many good reasons for that postponement. He approved, therefore, of the determination of government to promulgate nothing until after the holydays. He advised every member to use his best endeavours to allay animosities, and abstain from any observations, until the opportunity should arrive for a full and conclusive discussion of the subject. Mr. Benett deprecated the appointment of any more committees to examine into the operation of the Corn-laws. He conceived such a step to be utterly needless, after the mass of information which had been collected on the subject. Mr. Alderman Waithman observed, that all the interests of the country were so closely connected, that any measure which tended to uphold one of them exclusively, was certain, in the long run, to be injurious to that very interest. In avowing himself friendly to some alteration in the Corn-laws, he did not consider himself to be seeking the advantage of his own constituents at the expense of any other class of the community. He fully agreed with an hon. gentleman who once represented the city of London, that he was not so much sent to parliament to guard the interests of the city, as to guard those of the country at large, and, indeed, he might say, of posterity. In conclusion, he would not compliment ministers on the policy which they had pursued with regard to this question, for he thought that if they had any feeling, they must be nauseated with the compliments they had received already. However, this much he would say, that they would have been highly criminal if they had abstained from acting as they had done. Mr. Hume asserted, that, both in the House and out of it, there was a unanimous opinion, that the question of the Corn-laws ought to undergo immediate discussion. Such being the case, the conduct of ministers appeared very extraordinary. There were hundreds of petitions to be presented from the manufacturing districts against those laws; and no gentleman would perform his duty in presenting them, if he did not state fully the nature of their contents. Discussion |
