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Ministers had not acted fairly in lowering the import duty on it without notice.

Sir J. Newport hoped the House would put their veto on all distinctions between the interests of the several classes of the community. Though England was a manufacturing country, Ireland was an agricultural one, and gave her agricultural produce in exchange for the manufacture of England. If England would not take the corn of Ireland, Ireland would be unable to take the manufactures of England.

Mr. Hobhouse expressed his trust, that the friends of ministers would stand true to them on this occasion, when they saw them compelled to alter their original resolutions, by a few ingenious hints, not coming from the people, but from persons more powerful than the people. He denied that any vulgar attacks had been made in that House against the landed interest; but the people had a right to complain, and would not be put down by clamour. All they wanted was fair play. The House ought to hear the voice of the people, and their representatives. This was not an occasion on which the right hon. gentlemen opposite should, to use an old phrase, "turn their backs on themselves." This was, however, the first time they had refused to hear the people. He was the last man in that House to throw firebrands among the people; but he hoped it would not be considered too much if he said, that when any question was propounded in which the people expressed a decided voice, the House was doing itself harm, by not listening to what their representatives had to say. Whether what they advanced was good or bad, he should say, "hear, at least, before you strike." The government had now changed its mind, without any reasons which did not exist before. All he could say to such vacillating conduct was, that it clearly showed that the government was not worth two-pence. It was not only known and seen in that House, but the country began to see it. He did not, perhaps, express what he thought upon the subject so well as he ought to do; but he was in constant communication with the people, and could vouch for their sentiments; and all those with whom he had conversed were of opinion, that it was impossible that so wretched and disjointed a government could go on. He would venture to say, that had it not been for the gentlemen who

usually sat on his side of the House, when the government proposition was brought forward the other night, the ministers would not have been able to have carried it. Suppose there had been on his side of the House, that truckling, place-hunting appetite, which it had been the fashion to impute to them, and that one of them had risen and said to the gentlemen on the benches around him, "It is ministers who have hashed up this pretty affair: let them set down to it, we must not meddle with such a nasty mess." The measure was carried, only by a majority of sixty-one. If, therefore, such a speech as that had been made by any of the influential gentlemen on his side of the House, where, he would ask, would ministers have been left? Would it not have been shown, that the ministers were divided among themselves; that they were unfit to govern a great country; and that it ought not to be confided to them. When the minister for Foreign Affairs came down to that House, he solemnly called upon them to vote for certain propositions; and now they were as solemnly called upon, by the vice president of the Board of Trade, to vote differently, without a shadow of reason being adduced, beyond what the House was already in possession of. He should, therefore, sit down, with a determination to vote for the proposition of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in opposition to that of the Vice-president of the Board of Trade.

Mr. Secretary Peel said, he thought the hon. gentleman had been diverted, by his indignation against his majesty's government, from the real question before them; which was, whether the proposed rate at which barley was to be imported, did or did not, afford an unreasonable protection to the home-grower of barley? Had he been a stranger entering that House while the hon. gentleman was speaking, he should have imagined that his majesty's ministers had been guilty of a great dereliction of duty, and had abandoned the principles on which they had professed at starting to be governed; and he should have been much surprised to have been told, that the whole tirade arose from their proposing to grant a little more protection to barley than they had at first intended. Was it to be supposed, that the government could not submit a proposition to the House, without depriving themselves of every power to modify that proposition?

details, they ought not to be subject to the charge of having been bullied into the change; and he hoped they should still enjoy the esteem of the people, although the hon. gentleman had, in no very elegant terms, pronounced them to be a government not worth two-pence.

He should have thought, that the avowed | average of its price, and of that of oats, for principles of the hon. member would have six years, and found that he had not asinduced him rather to applaud than blame sumed the true proportions. He then did, the government. He should have thought what every honest man ought to do, conthat the advocate of free discussion and fessed himself in error. He had taken the democratic principles would have admired proportions which were thought, for forty the readiness with which ministers con- years past, to be the correct ones; and, in fessed themselves in the wrong, and the so taking them, was only to be accused of alacrity with which they took what they taking for granted, what he ought rather thought the right path. The hon. gentle- to have inquired into. He found, accordman said, that this right path had not ing to the returns, that wheat was 56s., been chosen from any attention to the barley 31s., and oats 20s. 6d. Taking wishes of the people, but from the threats wheat, therefore, at 60s., no just charge which had been held out by a party in that could be brought against the government, House, which was above the people. if they took barley at the price now proAnother hon. member had gone further posed. If, indeed, out of deference to a and had candidly told them, that minis- large minority, ministers had been induced ters had been bullied into this change. It to abandon the principle with which they would be sufficient, he thought, to put it to started, and had recurred to prohibitions, the candour of the House, whether minis- they would have justly incurred the charge ters had acted from these motives, or from a of inconsistency. But, surely, for a moconviction, that, in framing the original re-dification, not of the principle, but of the solutions, they had been proceeding upon mistaken views. He should, however, call the recollection of the House to what passed on the night when his right hon. friend submitted to them the principles on which government intended to proceed; which were, a free intercourse in grain, subject to controlling duties. On that very night several hon. members having approved of the rate at which wheat was to be taken, gave it as their opinion, that barley and oats were not sufficiently protected. The first reply his right hon. friend gave to this was, "This is matter of detail, concede me the principle, and afterwards we will arrange the details." There was, therefore, no ground for accusing the government of inconsistency. The question was merely-Was this or was it not a sufficient protection for the home barley-grower, and was the resolution of the 1st instant right or wrong? The government had thought that barley was not sufficiently protected by that resolution; and it, therefore, became its imperative duty, even at the expense of confessing itself wrong, to raise the protection on that grain to a due proportion with that on wheat. He should not dwell on the evils to which an undue protection of any particular grain would lead, as every gentleman must be sensible how much such a circumstance would hamper agricultural proceedings. His right hon. friend having learned from members of that House, that barley was not sufficiently protected by his resolutions, took the

General Gascoyne complained of the awkward situation in which this vacillating conduct of ministers placed members, who had written down to their constituents, that the question was settled upon a certain basis, and had now to contradict their former report. He should vote for the original proposition.

Mr. W. Ward said, he should vote against this new proposition. When the original resolution was laid on the table he had voted for it, as he took it to be a peaceoffering from ministers to the people; and he was averse from stirring up animosities between the two interests. But he would not, on any pretence, suffer an encroachment on the original proposal, as it would lead to consequences not foreseen. This increase upon barley would affect wheat and every other grain; as it would induce the farmer to cultivate a greater quantity of one grain than he otherwise would do.

Sir T. Lethbridge said, that with respect to what had been said concerning the price at which barley and oats were to be admitted, it was certainly understood, that that was a point reserved for discussion; and he would undertake to say, that although ministers had found themselves strong enough to carry the wheat proposi→

tion, yet, had they attempted to carry the original resolutions relative to barley and oats, they would have been defeated. It was in wisdom that they had made the alteration, and he thanked them for it. With respect to what had fallen from the hon. member for Westminster, he could only say, that he had made the most variegated speech he had ever heard. It seemed to have no precise object, except that of inflaming the minds of the people. If the voice of the people of England could be heard in that House, he was convinced it would be in approval of what ministers had done. For his own part, he thought that the protection on barley was still insufficient; but, nevertheless, he could not sit down without expressing his thanks to government, for the manner in which they had brought forward this question.

Mr. Monck said, he should certainly give his support to the original proposition of ministers. He denied that the change was owing to any suggestion from the people. It had been conceded to the threats held out to ministers in different parts of the country, by those who ought to be the natural protectors of the people, but who would make themselves their masters. He objected to this increase of duty, because it was upon an article already too highly taxed, and which formed the principal beverage of the poor.

The Committee divided: for the Amendment 215; for the original Proposition 38; majority in favour of the Amendment 177.

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division. After which, the Chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Tuesday, March 13.

CORN LAWS-NEW WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.] The Earl of Malmesbury presented a Petition from Banbury, against the Bill for regulating the Weights and Measures. The Petitioners stated that they were great sufferers by that Bill, as the Corn averages were made up by the Winchester bushel, and their property sold according to the Imperial measure; causing thereby a loss to the farmer of three per cent.

The Earl of Lauderdale said, he could not allow the opportunity to pass without calling to their lordships' recollection, the circumstances under which the act to regulate weights and measures passed. The first year it was sent up to that House, their lordships examined a number of individuals connected with the wine trade, who all agreed that no confusion or chicanery arose from the employment of the measures in use, while the preamble of the bill stated, that great inconvenience and numerous frauds were the consequence of their use. It had proved to be a most abortive law. It was merely an alteration of phraseology. Their lordships might pass a law to make him speak accurate English, and not allow him to put in one word of Scotch, but they could not succeed in effecting their object; and they would not succeed in altering the name, by which merchants, in common conversation, called such and such a quantity. The only part of the community that he had thought any alteration in the measures likely to be advantageous to, was the makers of weights and measures; but, instead of being benefitted, they had been ruined by it; for they had calculated that when the law would be in force, every county town would be obliged to buy new weights and measures. It was a most absurd act, which repealed two hundred and fifty compulsory acts, under the vain expectation of effecting, by an optional act, what two hundred and fifty compulsory acts had failed to accomplish. It was a stain on the prudence and wisdom of the legislature, and a disgrace to the community at large.

Ordered to lie on the table.
2 P

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Tuesday, March 13.

CRIMINAL LAWS CONSOLIDATION BILLS.] Mr. Secretary Peel rose, and addressed the House to the following effect:

liament; I have retained all those terms and legal designations which are allowed to be of importance; but, in rejecting some redundancies and repetitions, I have endeavoured to steer a middle course between the general verbosity of our English statutes, and the extreme brevity of the I rise, Sir, to introduce certain bills French criminal code. This House has for consolidating and amending the laws always shown itself extremely jealous of in England, relative to Larceny and other laws so very summary in their enactments, offences. The bill I have now brought up as those of the French code; because they -one of those bills at least is for the necessarily devolve upon the judge who consolidation of some of the branches of administers them, a much greater discrethe statute and criminal law concerning tionary power than our own system protheft. Probably the House will allow fesses to do. In point of fact, Sir, nothing me to make a few observations, at this is gained by the adoption of extreme breopportunity, in answer to some questions vity in the framing of acts of parliament, which were put to me, by a noble lord I will venture to say, that the French have on a former night, on matters con- experienced this truth, from the extreme nected with these bills; which ques-brevity of their laws, and the circumstance tions I was not then prepared entirely of their enactments being couched in to answer. I beg to state, therefore, terms much too summary. The conse that the bills which I have to bring in this quence has been, that the gloss or comevening, are four in number. First of all, mentary of the learned lawyers of that here is a bill consolidating the whole of country, defining the meaning and scope the statute law of England, relating to of these summary terms, has already atthe crime of larceny and other offences tained an extent, which, in point of verconnected therewith; the second is a bill boseness and complexity, bids fair to rival for the consolidation of all the laws re- our own Statute-book. In the bills I have lating to malicious injuries committed on the honour of submitting to the House, a property; the third is a bill relating middle course has been steered between to the very important question of dama- the redundancy of our own legal enactges arising from accident, and the cases ments, and the conciseness of the French in which the law will enable parties, code. I do confidently hope, that when who sustain such damages, to recover a little further advance has been made in from the hundred; the fourth is a bill, the work of repealing many of our old Sir, which I have purposely kept distinct statutes, which should no longer be refrom the other three, and which will tained, and in the substitution of new recite and repeal all the now existing ones in their place, the House will deterstatutes, that, should these bills pass into mine to take into its consideration the a law, will become unnecessary. The general state of the whole Statute-book; effect of these enactments, supposing they when, I am convinced, it will find a vast should meet the sanction of the legislature, number of old or defective statutes, which will be to remove, altogether, from the it might determine to expunge, while it Statute-book no less than one hundred could retain those only which it may be and thirty statutes, And I have the satis- absolutely necessary to preserve. The faction of stating, that, notwithstanding effect of such a proceeding would be the repeal of so many acts of parliament, evinced in many valuable and beneficial now forming part of the criminal law of results. I think there ought to be a comEngland, the whole of the statute laws in mission to ascertain what statutes at prethis consolidated form-those, I mean, sent remain in force, and what from their respecting the crime of theft-will be obsoleteness, or the fact of their being no comprised within twenty-nine pages [hear]. longer applicable to the circumstances In effecting this reduction in the bulk of the age, might be entirely dispensed and number of the statutes, I have made with, or preserved only for the future inno rash experiments as to the language of spection of the curious. Some statutes, the enactments I propose to substitute in like those of Magna Charta, for example, their stead. I have adhered, very closely, will always be retained, and treated, of to the phraseology of those acts of par- course, with the respect and gratitude that

are due to them. But others, though of perty has been so obtained under false great antiquity, are of such a character, pretences, which shall visit the offender that it would be exceedingly expedient to with an adequate punishment. For exget rid of them altogether. I am confident, ample, you shall charge a person who has that the fact of my being able to repeal procured some valuable goods under false by these bills, one hundred and thirty pretences with a misdemeanour; and his statutes, and to compress all that it is offence will immediately be, that he has necessary to retain of them, or to substi- committed a felony: so that he will plead tute for them, into twenty-nine pages, the greater offence, because, in this case, will ultimately tend to an immense reduc- the punishment is less, or the conviction tion in the bulk of our Statute-book.- more difficult. Such was the state of our I omitted to state, on a former occasion, statute law, at present, that this anomaly some alterations, or, if the House will absolutely existed in it. If a purchaser, permit me to designate them by such a under a false and fraudulent pretence of name, some improvements, which I have purchase, get possession of property, he introduced into one of these bills-that is indicted for a misdemeanour; if he be which regards the offence of Larceny. indicted for getting possession of such The amendments I propose will have the property, under pretence of hiring, that effect, as the House will see, of reducing is larceny. If he be indicted for this the number of capital punishments by law. offence, upon a case, where it appears Under the law of burglary, as it stands at that he got possession of the property present, if the burglary be committed in before the negotiation for the purchase any out-house, which forms part of the was completed, his offence is larceny. frontage, that is part of that which, in But if the purchaser under false pretenlaw, is entitled an outer-fence, the burglary ces be not tried until after he has got is a capital offence. If it be committed absolute possession of the property, then in the stable or the dairy, or within that the English law charges his offence as a which, in the old language of the law is misdemeanour; so that if he gets possescalled "curtilage," the burglar is placed sion absolutely, his offence is misdemeain the same situation. I venture to believe, nour; or if he hath obtained either a however, that no person who maturely temporary or partial possession only, it considers this subject would advise that is felony; and, as you cannot indict him a burglary, consisting of the breaking into both for the felony and misdemeanour at a cow-house, or stable, or dairy, should be once, you are subject to be defeated, even visited with a severity equal to that which in the clearest case, in your attempt to this species of offence, under more aggra- obtain a conviction against him, on an invated circumstances as in the case of dictment either for the one offence or the breaking into a dwelling-house-is subject other. This is especially true, if you to. I propose, therefore, that burglary, charge him with the misdemeanor. by breaking into a stable, or even into an you cannot prove against him the "animus out-house, shall not be included in the furandi," at certain periods of the transclass of burglaries, for which capital pu- action, you cannot convict him at all; nishment shall be assigned by the law; he pleads to the felony, and your aim is unless in cases where there shall be some defeated. Now, the object of the man in communication between the actual dwell- either case being the same-namely, to ing and that part of the premises which cheat; common sense prescribes the shall have been broken into, by a covered object of the law, which should be, in passage, or a window, common to both of either case, to restrain and punish him. them. Another important alteration I It can hardly be contended, that that is a have suggested, for the purpose of reme- sound state of law in which, if you hold a dying a great defect which exists in the man guilty of a misdemeanour, he shall law of England, as it at present stands, in be liable to punishment; if guilty of ferespect to offences against property, com-lony, you shall be unable, in effect, to mitted under false pretences. Nothing punish him. The noble lord, the member can be imagined more ineffectual than the for Northamptonshire, asked me a queslaw of England at present is, with respect tion the other night, in relation to the to crimes of this nature; and nothing Malicious Trespass act. That, of course, more hopeless, I may add, than the at-like many other laws relating to offences tempt to obtain a conviction, where pro-against property, I have made such an

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