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dependent upon complexion; that absolute ignorance is, upon ground of public good, a legitimate disqualification; and that disfranchisement should be, upon grounds of both justice and expediency, a uniform penalty for vice and crime.
But so far as the negro is concerned, an immediate work needs to be done in the northern states. Unfortunately many have a much clearer vision as to what should be done for the negro when he is far away in the South than when he is at our own doors. In nearly all the old free states, where we had a right to expect better things, he is treated as a specialty. In some he is allowed to vote if he is more than half white; in others his vote is made to depend on a freehold estate; in others he is wholly excluded from the suffrage; and in nearly all he is hampered by disabling laws which were made in times past in the interest of slavery. And the fact of such negro proscription in the North is quoted by the opposers of negro suffrage as so shameful an inconsistency as ought to silence all the advocates for that measure, living in the free states; and yet those very opposers know that the advocates of southern negro suffrage are its advocates for the North. It is these opposers themselves who are the authors and supporters of that very proscription upon which they base their argument for a still more sweeping proscription in the South. Nor is the existence of this northern oppression any palliation for southern misdoing, any reason for enjoining silence upon northern advocacy for southern enfranchisement, or any excuse for delay to do right in the southern states. As the negro is now no longer a slave in any part of the United States, and the political reasons for proscriptive legislation are removed, all laws that make franchise dependent upon complexion should be blotted out. They are repugnant to the equity of democratic government, and put us in a false position before the world.*
*The "Chicago Tribune" attributes the following very forcible view of the matter to Gen. Grant: "The government and people may have to choose between keeping a standing army of one hundred thousand men, at an expense of one hundred million dollars a year to the tax-payers, to support the white minority in the South against the white rebel majority, or of enfranchising the blacks, and thereby enabling them to support the white loyalists. Gen. Grant foresees that the suffrage question may take this form. If the loyal whites at the South are unable to sustain themselves and hold the political control of those states, they must either be reinforced by the votes of the loyal blacks, or supported by the bayonets
Another obvious duty is a vigorous application of our educational resources. In the North the ignorant masses which are poured on our shores from the old world will not be educated. We open to them our splendid systems of free schools almost in vain. But in the South the whole negro population are greedy for learning. Wherever schools have been opened they are crowded by both children and adults, and the spelling-book is the companion of the emancipated slave. Let our benevolent citizens act on these facts, remembering that although the true Christian philanthropy of the South will rejoice to cooperate, yet that such is the southern impoverishment that if the negroes have help at all, it must be mainly derived from the organized benevolence of the North.
Finally, whatever makes men wiser or better will always advance the interests of a state under democratic rule. During the war the great work done by the Christian and Sanitary Commissions took the world by surprise and fixed its admiration. There is scope for the same Christian enterprise still. In times past the man who would do good to the slave was scourged out of the South, and dogged by marshals and state attorneys in the North. But all this we hope is now changed, and free scope will be given to both southern and northern benevolence. Educational appliances are not confined to the school-house. We develop men by social influences, the forum, the Sunday-school, the pulpit, a free newspaper press, and many other agencies. These should be quickened in every direction, and the low everywhere should be lifted up. The harvest is great; let not the laborers be few.
We shall not readily surrender the hope that our southern brethren will see the desirableness of abandoning at once the old policy of oppression upon a class or color, whether in the form of slavery or disfranchisement. What is right they cannot but know. What the sentiment of the entire Christian world is they cannot ignore. The restoration of a free press and of free discussion will, we feel most hopeful, work wondrous revolutions in the southern mind. But if the quondam slave states choose persistently the inhumane policy, we trust one or two remedies are possible. Free states are fast being
of northern soldiers. To maintain troops even in time of peace costs not far from one thousand dollars per man."
formed in our western domain, and free principles must rule this nation. Before those free states two questions are likely to rise:
1. What is that republican form of government which the National Constitution guarantees to every state? And we think it will in due time be decided that A STATE CONSTITUTION WHICH DISFRANCHISES FOR MERE COMPLEXION IS NOT
REPUBLICAN EITHER IN SPIRIT OR IN FORM. That change in the National Constitution suggested in one of the late editorials of our Quarterly may then be adopted, by which every native born American, unconvicted of crime and of sound mind, able to read and write, shall be entitled to vote for president and congressmen. Or,
2. The question will fairly come up whether the old slave states are to receive nearly twenty new representatives with the unenlarged constituency. If justice to the colored race induces the South to enfranchise, that increase is right. If not, we trust there will be no hesitation on the part of all the other states in due time to so amend our National Constitution as to proportion the representation to the number of actual voters. Such an amendment is required, not for the sake of a particular class or color, but for the attainment of an equitable ratio of representation among the different states. Yet its ultimate influence will be to induce the South to enfranchise without regard to color. Interest may then induce the bestowment of a right which is refused to honor and justice.
ART. VII.-FOREIGN RELIGIOUS INTELLIGENCE.
I now return to the duties which have been so long interrupted of late by circumstances not under my own control. In the midst of those duties I shall find frequent opportunity for acting on the principles which I have here enunciated, and shall rejoice in breathing myself, and helping others to breathe, the free fresh air which the recent decisions have
made it now possible to breathe within
the bounds of the National Church. I shall also, as I hope and fully purpose, find time to pursue these inquiries, and perhaps hereafter return to publish them.
THE COLENSO CASE-RETURN OF Co
LENSO TO HIS SEE.-Dr. Colenso has re-
But all these things are in the hand of God. Should I never return, I bid my friends in England farewell, to meet them, I trust, on another shore.
Colenso has also issued an address "to the clergy and laity of the United Church of England and Ireland in the diocese of Natal," which is dated London, June 9, and published in the Cape Argus of July 13. This document contains the following passage:
The work in which I have been engaged is an attempt to reconcile the teachings of religion with those which we received from the various sciences, which God himself has quickened into wonderful activity about us in this our day. It is the greatest work in which a man can be engaged, however feeble and imperfect the labor which I myself have been enabled to contribute to it. But no one who really knows-as I have known during these three years-the thoughts which are stirring, not merely in the minds of multitudes in the more highly educated classes, but also in those of the more intelligent among the lower orders of the community, will doubt that we are on the eve of a great movement, which may be guided, but cannot be stopped, and if not duly guided, threatens to convulse our whole social and religious system. As a minister of the national Church I have done my part toward showing that certain traditionary views, to which the conclusions of modern science stand irreconcilably opposed, are no necessary part of true religion. I have shown, I trust, and shall yet more fully show, in my forthcoming volume, that we all may, not with a doubting hesitation, but with positive assurance and a clear conscience, abandon those views, and yet retain our hold on the essential truths of Christianity.
parted from the faith, has been righteously deprived, and that they are fixed in their resolve no longer to acknowledge him as their bishop. It is proposed to invite the male communicants to elect delegates, who are to consider a proposal inviting the archbishops and bishops of the United Church of England and Ireland to select a bishop to be sent out to Capetown for consecration by the Metropolitan.
According to present appearances Colenso will find in his diocese no party to support him. The clergy of the diocese are unanimous in repudiating his authority. At a meeting held in Pinetown, D'Urban. on the 31st of May, under the presidency of the Dean of Peter Maritzburg, some ten of the clergy of the diocese declared their acceptance of the Metropolitan government of the Bishop of Capetown until such a time as, in a provincial synod, the organization of the Church in South Africa shall have been settled, approved, and confirmed by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The same clergy, with two others, and several laymen, church wardens, have signed a declaration that they are satisfied that Dr. Colenso, having widely de
The trustees of the Colonial Bishoprics Fund continue to withhold the salary of Colenso in consequence of having received a caution against a further payment from the Bishop of Capetown, on the ground that he had deprived Colenso of the Bishopric of Natal. The sympathizers with Colenso in England have therefore raised another fund for him, intended partly to assist him in his suit to obtain his income. On the general committee of the new fund are, among others, Sir Charles Lyell, Professor Jowett, and Professor Tyndall. Thus assisted, Colenso has filed in Chancery a bill of complaint against the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Vice-Chancellor Sir W. Page Wood, the Archdeacon of London, Mr. Hubbard, M.P., the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York, and the AttorneyGeneral, for withholding his salary.
MONASTICISM IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.-Since our last account of the progress of the so-called Benedictine Brotherhood, in the Church of England, this institution has passed through a great crisis. Brother, or as he is now more commonly called, Father Ignatius, has, among other innovations, introduced into his order the medieval form of excommunication, which he for the first time employed in the case of two brothers of the Third Order at Bristol. Soon after he came, however, very near being struck down by the same weapon. Having gone to London, accompanied by one brother, for the purpose of lecturing on behalf of the funds for the erection of a new chapel in Norwich, the brethren at Norwich took advantage of his absence to convoke a chapter, declared the appointment by Ignatius of one of the brethren as second superior or deputy as null and void, elected themselves a prior, and decided to serve upon Ignatius a citation requiring him to appear before them and answer to his delin
quencies. Ignatius refusing to send any reply to this citation, the chapter reassembled and drew up the following document:
A. M. D. G.
In the name of the blessed Trinity. We, the Prior and Monks of the Holy Order of St. Benedict, hereby declare in the presence of Almighty God, that the Rev. Joseph Leycester Lyne, formerly Brother Ignatius of our said order, is acting entirely without our consent and permission in preaching in St. Martin's Hall in our name. Funds have been collected in the name and for the Order of St. Benedict, which the said Joseph Leycester Lyne has employed for his own purpose, unknown to us and without our consent. We therefore declare that the said Lyne is not henceforward empowered to collect or receive funds in our name. The said Joseph Leycester Lyne has been formally cited to appear before us to answer our charges against him, and has ignored our authority. We therefore declare him excommunicate, and all his acts null and void. If the said Joseph Leycester Lyne shall herewith appear before us, and, confessing his faults, do penance for the same, his authority shall be recognized if his right be proven. Until then he is deposed from the office he presumptuously has usurped, to the prejudice of souls and for the furtherance of his own private ends. This we do with solemn deliberation, and according to our holy rule, which saith: "If any brother shall prove refractory, stubborn, or disobedient, he shall be admonished, and if he do not amend, let him be excommunicate" and we hereby enjoin and command our beloved Brother Stanislaus, provost of the Congregation of St. William, if the said Joseph Leycester Lyne do prove refractory or disobedient, to pronounce upon him the sentence of excommunication according to the rule.
Given at our Priory of St. Mary and St. Dunstan, Norwich, this 24th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1864. Gloria Deo..
Signed in the presence of the body of Christ,
+ BRANNOCK, O. S. B., Prep. + STANISLAUS, O. S. B., Provost. + MAURUS, O. S. B.
+ CLEMENT, O. S. B.
In the presence of us,
+ GIDEON J. K. OUSELY, Chaplain.
A sentence of excommunication was drawn up at the same meeting and served upon Ignatius. If the monks had been as firm as they were unanimous the rule of Father Ignatius, and │
with it the Benedictine Brotherhood, might have been brought to a close. Such, however, was not the case. Father Ignatius, on the contrary, found no difficulty in putting himself again in possession of the convent buildings and in coercing all the monks into submission. They confessed to him that they had been "mad," and made no resistance to the re-establishment of the
authority of Father Ignatius, who exfrom the order. pelled the two leaders of the rebellion
THE GERMAN PROTESTANT DIET.This year a new national organization of German Protestants has held its first General Assembly, which, if not suppressed by the governments, may have a great influence on both the ecclesiastical and political future of Germany.
We refer to the "German Protestant Diet," (Deutscher Protestantentag,) which met on June 7th and 8th, at Eisenach, at the foot of the same Wurtburg which was the birthplace of the Lutheran Reformation of the sixteenth century. The first annual meeting of this new organization was to have taken place last year, but, in common with many of the political annual gatherings, it was postponed on account of the excitement growing out of the Schleswig Holstein war. The object of this new organization is stated to be "to promote religious sentiments in the Protestant Churches of Germany, to unite all the State Churches into one Evangelical Church of Germany on the basis of the 'Congregation principle,' to defend the rights, the honor, and the freedom of German Protestantism, and to protect the freedom of investigation from all encroachment of the state and the ecclesiastical authorities." Among the celebrated theologians and laymen who were present we notice Dr. Krause, editor of the Protestantische Kirchenzeitung, and Professor von Holtzendorff, of Berlin; Professor Hanne, of Greifswalde; Professor Ewald of Goettingen; Superintendent General Meyer of Co. burg; Professors Holtzmann, Rothe, Bluntschli, and Schenkel, and Dean Zittel, of Heidelberg; Professor Hilgenfeld of Jena; Professor Weisse of Leipzic; Professor Baumgarten, formerly of Rostock; and Dr. Carl Schwarz of Gotha. The great majority of these men are